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the just rights of the people in the Commons House: and it cannot be said that "it is not called for, when it is known that "Major Cartwright, on Monday evening, "said he now held in his hands, ready to "be presented to the House, 320 pétitions, uniform in their prayer for reform, and signed by one hundred and twenty thousand men. We know not in what "terms to speak of the disappointment which the friends of civil and religious "freedom have suffered by the loss of the "Bill for the relief of the Roman Catho❝lics; because with that reverence for the "House of Commons which it is our desire "to cherish, we cannot reconcile with any "rule of principle the vote of Monday night on a single clause of the Bill, with the former votes on the whole of it. "There must be a secret history in the ma66 nagement of the division in the Commit-ary tee, which if it could be fairly promulgated, would prove to every unbiassed mind the necessity of that reform in the representation which it is the object of "Lord Rancliffe to bring into discussion. "Some of the arts practised on the occasion "have been whispered, and we may be enabled to speak of them hereafter. But certainly the triumph is not to be boasted "of that was obtained by the means which "we hear were practised, and which, after
all the efforts that were made, was so "trifling in its number. The Bill is lost, indeed, and the consequences may be such, as we shudder to contemplate; but "what must be the feeling of the temporary winners, when they shall reflect on "the very trifling majority by which they "have contrived to continue the thraldom " in which millions of their fellow-subjects are held! Their triumph will be short, indeed, if the result of this vote shall be "to quicken the public mind in the cause "of parliamentary Reform; and we sincerely hope that that will be the 66 first fruits of the decision."Upon my word, Mr. PERRY, this is being very sanguine indeed! Can you believe, that the reform which was rejected upon Mr. MADOX's exposure of 11th May, 1809, will be produced by the rejection of this Bill? Can you believe, that the reform, the necessity of which has not been evident enough in 20 years' war, and 800,000,000 of debt, and in the property tax, will become evident in the refusal to let two or three score of Roman Catholics into place? The Catholics wished, it seems, to get into this same parliament as
it now is! I never heard that they objected to the system of boroughs. This is, then, a sudden thought of theirs, or of yours. No, Mr. Perry, they can, surely, never object to the mode of electing that very parliament, into which, without any complaint against it, they were so eager to obtain admittance. If the parliament was good enough for them to sit in by the means of borough elections, it was surely good enough to decide upon their petition.those, in general, who voted for the CaBut, the worst of it is, that tholics are amongst the sturdiest enemies of reform. Will Mr. CANNING, for instance, give us a lift in the way of reform? It is very true, that a reform of the parliament would soon settle all these religious disputes; but, of those who were for this Bill, five would not vote for a parliament
reform.——I am very glad to hear, that there are petitions for reform; but, I am sure they will be signed by very few of those who take a lead in religious sects. Those people have always some little boon to ask for themselves; and they well know, that the way to get that is not to ask for a reform of the parliament. Nay, I will bet Mr. Perry a trifle, that the very persons, in whose behalf this Bill was brought in, would be amongst the foremost in opposing parliamentary reform; because that would cut up, root and branch, the very things they are seeking for.--I do not mean to say, that all those, who have taken an active part in pressing for this measure, wish to get money by it. I know the contrary. am satisfied, is actuated by no selfish moMr. BUTLER, for instance, I tive. I could but, generally speaking, the object is to get a say the same of many others; share of the public money by one mean or another. Catholics, if they were friends of reform, But, how comes it, that the never talked of it before? I have read, in some of their speeches, as bitter reflections on the Reformers as ever escaped the lips of any scoundrel Borough-monger, of any corrupt trafficker in seats; and, having heard this, and perceiving from the tenor of all their toasts and resolutions, that they are amongst the enemies of Reform, am I now to be made believe, that their cause ought to produce that change?I venture to assure Mr. Perry, that MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, that most able, most zealous, and most disinterested friend of freedom, will find no material support from the Catholics, or, at least, from those who were calling for this Bill.We are now,
tion, who, if again in power, would again insult the people much more than the Pittites have ever done. What! Did not Mr. Tierney and Mr. Ponsonby and Lord Milton join Mr. Ganning and Mr. Perceval in making the famous "STAND
it seems, to expect dreadful consequences in Ireland. And why? Do you see the Bill that is passing about arms in Ireland? Do you keep in mind the powers which the Irish government has over the people? Do you remember the Act, which was drawn up by the Whigs, which was left against POPULAR ENCROACHby them as a legacy to the Pittites, and "MENT," when Mr. MADOX, on the which was said to have been penned by 11th of May, 1809, offered to prove the Mr. Grattan himself? Do you remember sale of a seat? And, with this fact in our that Act? Have you its powers in your minds, will any one attempt to persuade eye? If you have, you will be at perfect us, that we ought to look to the Whig ease upon the score of disturbances in Ire-faction as friends of reform ! land; and, you will also be able to judge, how far the supporters of the Bill now thrown out, seeing that they were the real authors of the Act above alluded to, merit the exclusive appellation of "friends of "civil and religious liberty." -Besides, I again ask, what reason have the mass of the Irish Catholics to be more discontented now than they were before this Bill was rejected? The Bill, if carried, would have done them no good. Why, then, if not deluded, if not deceived, should they regret its failure?——Oh, no! Mr. Perry, we are in no danger of disturbances in Ireland! The people of Ireland appear to be a perfectly loyal and orderly race. You never hear from them any noise about any thing. They are as quiet as any people can be; and, really, it is a pity, that any hints should be thrown out, like those of Mr. Perry, calculated to disturb their minds.At any rate, they ought not to be deceived. The Bill would have done them no good, as I have frequently shown; by the rejection of the Bill, the great body of the Catholics have lost nothing, nor have they been deprived of the chance of gaining any thing. What new reason, therefore, can they have to be disaffected towards a government, with which they appear from their silence to have been hitherto so well satisfied? To return, for a moment, to the subject of parliamentary reform, I beg the reader to bear in mind, that the Morn-but made prisoners of war, to be exchanging Chronicle never speaks on the subject, ed against persons, whom the Americans except at times when its faction has receiv-may have taken from us in actual war.ed a blow. I confess that it would be a remedy for almost all our evils; but, the worst of it is, the Whigs never talked about this remedy, when they were in power. Nay, have not all the leaders of them talked against it, of late years, in a most vehement style? What, then, are we to expect from them? The people must rely upon themselves only; upon their own lawful exertions, and not upon the
AMERICAN WAR.PRISONERS OF WAR.- -Mr. BARLOW.- It appears that the loan, which our hireling prints assured us the American President was unable to raise, has been raised, and that, too, in the single city of Philadelphia. It also is stated, that Mr. MADISON has actually named plenipotentiaries to negociate a peace with us, under the mediation of Russia.I hope we shall accept of the mediation, and put an end to this the worst of all our wars. But, the hireling press is against such acceptance. It labours hard to perpetuate this war and to make it as cruel as possible, by adding to the animosity on both sides.- -There is a circumstance, which I have heard of, relating to Americans, who were serving on board of our ships, which it will be sufficient, I am sure, barely to state.- -The Americans always asserted, that we detained many of their native seamen on board of our ships of war.-- -This now appears to have been true. For, since the war has been going on, our government have thought it prudent (and it was certainly just) to put these men, or some of them, at least, out of our service, it not being at all probable that an American would, without force, fight against his country. I have only to add, that the men I allude to, have, as I understand, been, not discharged, not sent home,
I do not positively assert this to be a fact, but I have heard it stated as such, and I do think that it is a matter which calls for public attention. Being upon the subject of America, I cannot refrain from noticing certain letters, which appeared in the COURIER, the MORNING POST, and other newspapers, a few days ago, purporting to be letters, written by Mr. JOEL BARLOW to Mr. MADISON, from France. These let
good will or exertions of this deceitful fac-ters our newspapers say they have copied
from American papers; and the American rica, had not the impudence to pretend to papers say, that they copied them from a believe them to be authentic; but, he puts London paper.---The letters are sheer this question to his readers: "Who will Fabrications, intended to make people be- "deny that it is, in the highest degree sinlieve, that Mr. JEFFERSON was in negocia-gular, how such fabrications, carrying tion with Napoleon, or, at least, that the "such evidence on the face of them, of an latter made him an offer, the end of which "intimate knowledge of the subject and was to make Mr. Jefferson a military despot" persons to which they relate, should over the people of America.- -This is "FIND THEIR WAY INTO AN only worthy of any notice at all, as it shows" ENGLISH NEWSPAPER?”. - So the lengths to which the vile hirelings of that I repeat my surmise, that the base fathe press will go to effect any purpose, brication had its origin here, and found its which it is their interest to pursue. way into the American newspapers in the It is very true, that we never saw any way that I have described. After this, such letters in any London paper. It is can we believe that a hireling of the press certain that no such letters were ever pub- will stick at any thing? The people of lished here; but, I will not assert, that America would not be deceived by so they had not their origin here; that they clumsy a fraud; but, not so the " most were not fabricated here; that they were" not even printed here, and that, too, in some newspaper.-Nothing is more easy than to put such letters into some one copy of an edition of a newspaper, and to leave them out of all the other copies. That single copy might be sent off to America, while the rest of the edition were circulated here. There are not wanting men 'to do such a thing on this side of the water, and, I dare say, there are not wanting men to receive and republish on the other side.
thinking people" of England, for whom nothing is too gross; and, I have not the smallest doubt, that there are men at this moment citing this offer of Napoleon as a proof of his being a sworn foe of freedom, and of his serious and settled intention to enslave all the world, and annihilate England. In short, it appears to me, that there is nothing, which, if its purport be to blacken an enemy, the mass of the people of this country will not believe. Nay, I am quite satisfied, that there are people enough in the lounging-rooms in London to denounce as "a friend of Buonaparte," any one who shall call the authenticity of these letters in question.
-Back came these letters in the American papers, and, in republishing of them here, not a word is said to apprize the people of the fact of their having been fabricated. I dare say, that a very considerable part of the people of England will take them for authentic documents, and will, of course, believe, that Napoleon actually proposed to Mr. JEFFERSON to make him a despot. The propositions said to have been made to him are these: "1. "That on condition of his declaring war "against England, the presidency should "be guaranteed to him by his Majesty the "Emperor for life.-2. That one mil"lion of francs, and even more, if found "necessary, should be annually placed at "his disposal during the war, to be repaid "after it was ended, or as soon as the in"tended alterations in the form of govern"ment were effected.-3. That three "thousand French officers, instructed to "obey the President implicitly, should be "sent out to serve in the army of the "United States.-4. That ten ships of "the line, with their proportion of frigates, "should be dispatched to the United States "to be manned and officered exclusively "by American seamen."The corrupt wretch, who published the letters in Ame
ARMY AGENCY.- -From a paper, laid before the House of Commons, not long since, it appears, that this is a subject worthy of great public attention; and, as I find that it is speedily to ward in discussion, it may be useful to be brought fordraw the attention of my readers towards it.There is a regulation, which prescribes, that Agents of the army shall give security for the due discharge of their trust; and, certainly, such a regulation is necessary, seeing what large sums pass through their hands. But, as appears from the above paper, some of them give no security, at all, while others do to a large amount. Mr. Ridge and Mr. Shee, for instance, the former of whom is agent to the Recruiting Service, and the latter to the Local Militia, give a security each to the amount of £20,000. Mr. Robinson, who is agent to the 13th Dragoons, gives security to the amount of £10,000. While Messrs. Greenwood and Cox, who are agents to one half of the whole army, give no security at all, except for one regiment, and that only
in the sum of £1,500.--The profits, the | from this "friend of regular government, bare profits of these agents, or, at least, social order, and our holy religion," as their allowance for agency, amounts to up- JOHN BOWLES has it, which paper is also wards of forty thousand pounds a year. worthy of the attention of that "thinking" Between three and four millions of the pub-public. - -The amount of this balance lic money pass through their hands in the exceeds eighty thousand pounds, about course of the year; and yet, all the secu- equal in amount to the nett produce of the rity they give is £1,500.--The money Duty on Hops for three years!But, may, perhaps, be very safe in their hands; there are some particular items that I think but, what reason can there be for their not it right to notice.He is stated to have giving security for every regiment, as well received and to have paid £647 15s. 10d. as for the one, for which they do give se- to a Mr. Briarly "for expenses of Merino curity? The allowance for the agency" sheep." Now, I am yet to learn, that to the whole of the army is little more than this "public" have ever possessed any £80,000 a year. This house swallows up Merino sheep. I have heard of the king more than the half of the sum; and, surely, having some given him by the Spanish gothey ought to give proportional security. vernment; I have heard too of his sales of -It is said, in answer to this, that the sheep; but, I never observed that any of several Colonels are responsible for the the proceeds of those sales were carried to agent of their choice; and, that, if the the credit of this famous "public;" and, agent fail, the public come upon the Colo- I am yet to learn the reason why this same nel. But, Sir David Dundas, being then public should have been charged with any Commander in Chief, was asked by the expenses relating to Merino sheep.— Military Commissioners, whether he re- The king gave some of these sheep away; garded the Colonels as being really re- but, I always understood, that they besponsible in such a case, said that he did longed to him, and not to the public. So not think that they were responsible. that, I say again, that I can see no reason Now, if he, and in his then situation, whatever for the public being saddled with could give such an opinion, I leave this expense, especially as the king's privy the reader to guess who would have purse, exclusive of all the expenses of his to pay the piper in case of the failure household, is so amply supplied by this of an agent, But, suppose the Colonels same "public."--If I were a member to be responsible by law, who is to be an- of parliament, I would certainly inquire swerable for their ability? You cannot, how the people came to have any thing to as the saying is, get blood out of a flint do with this expense.--The sheep were stone, which is only saying, that you can- given to the king; he did what he pleased not get money from a man who has no with them; he sold them or kept them or money; and, as to the putting of a Colonel gave them away; and, therefore, if the in jail, you cannot do that if he be a mem- people refrained from all inquiry into the ber of parliament; and, in cases where cause or the motive of the gift, they, surely, you can do it, the power could not be ex- could have nothing to do with the expense ercised without a great injury to the service, of bringing or managing the sheep.supposing the Colonel to be of any use. From another item it appears, that ChinWhat, for instance, would be the mode of nery received, from 1805 to 1807, getting redress for the public if the agent £110,395, and for what purpose, think of Sir George Prevost were to fail, and Sir you? Why "To be paid to Count MunGeorge too poor to pay the debt? Would ster for "THE SERVICE OF HANOyou send out a writ against him to Canada? "VER." Of this he still owes, £5,256. But, the main thing here is, that this great sum was issued for the service of Hanover; and, bear in mind, that it was issued from the public treasure, because, as the account states, the balance is "due to the public."
-In short, this "responsibility" of the Colonel must, it is very clear, be merely nominal; and, it is equally clear, that the public ought to have, for the money issued for every corps, a good and real security.
-Whether "the Guardians of the pub"lic purse" will think as I do is another matter, those Gentlemen and I being so very apt to differ in our opinions.
MR. CHINNERY.- -There is a paper respecting the balance due to the public
-Now, we see, then, that Hanover has cost us this sum, and that very recently, too. Here is a sum equal to the nett duty on starch for two years.-This sum is not to be supposed to have gone to our army in Hanover (if we had any troops there at the time), nor to any part of our service;
for it is expressly stated to have been for the service of Hanover, and to be paid to Gount Munster, who is the Hanoverian Resident here.- Another item is £41,117, "to pay bills drawn from abroad, on account of His Royal Highness the Duke of "Cumberland," from 1798 to 1802. I do not recollect where the Duke was at that time; but, I am sure I cannot discover how this money came to have any thing to do with this enlightened "public," unless the Duke was in some sort of public service at the time.If the money was issued to Chinnery on account of the Duke's pension and allowances, or as the Colonel of a regiment, then the balance not paid by Chinnery, which is £886, would be due to the Duke; but it is stated to be due to "the
public;" so that it must have been the money of the public, and not his own private money, that was issued to Chinnery to the amount of £41,117.- -I should like very much to see these matters explained.
We are often reviled for cavilling at such trifles; but, if I were to take all the sums that I think I can show to be expended unnecessarily, and set them against the nett proceeds of different heads of taxes, I should make any thinking reader stare. Great sums are made up of small sums; but, it is so on the one side as well as on the other. However, perhaps, it is hardly worth while to plague one's self about the matter, when not a few of those whom you talk to about it are, perhaps, only thinking all the while how they shall get in for a share of what you wish to save. -The Civil List, however, must come under my fingers. I cannot bring myself to let that pass unexplained.
evening, receive your reply to the present
His Britannic Majesty's Ship Poicliers, in the Mouth of the Delaware, March 23, 1813.
Sir,-In reply to your letter received this day, by a flag of truce, in answer to mine of the 16th inst. I have to observe, that the demand I have made town is, in my opinion, neither ungenerous upon Lewisnor wanting in that magnanimity which one nation ought to observe to another, with which it is at war. It is in my power to destroy your town, and the request I have made upon it, as the price of its security, is neither distressing nor unusual. I must, therefore, persist; and whatever sufferings may fall upon the inhabitants of Lewistown, must be attributed to yourselves by your not complying with a request so easily acquiesced in.- I have the honour to be, &c.
J. P. BERESFORD, Commodore, and commanding H. B. M. Squadron in the Delaware."
FRENCH NAVAL WAR.
Paris, April 28.-Extract from the Report of a Captain Baivit, Commander of his Majesty's frigate the Arethusa, to the Minister of Marine.-On board the Arethusa, April 19, 1813.
Magistrate of Lewis.-The respect which
After describing the destruction of a few vessels, the latter proceeds to give an ac
when they are enemies, take pride in che-count of his action with the British rishing towards each other, enjoins it upon frigate.I commenced the firing by a me, as a duty I owe to the State over discharge of my whole broadside, which which I have the honour at this time to was immediately returned by the enemy. preside, to the Government of which this A furious engagement then took place, in State is a member, and to the civilized which our vessels seemed to be joined by a world, to inquire of you whether, upon column of smoke. We had been foul of further and more mature reflection, you each other for several minutes, and during continue resolved to attempt the destruc- an hour and a half we had not been more tion of this town? I shall, probably, this than a pistol shot off each other.Mean