committee of the citizens of Charleston, that our publications cannot be transmitted without a passport from the Postmaster General, and that we cannot discuss the questions of the government of the District of Columbia without being threatened with a dissolution of the Union, there is in all this somewhat too much of the law of force, somewhat too much of bravado, to call forth the sympathy, command the respect, or above all, excite the fears of us of the north."

It is needless to say that these publications were of an ordinary character, addresssd to respectable citizens at the south, some of them masters of slaves, which they could have taken from the office or not as they chose. If they declined taking them, they could hurt nobody, whatever might be their character. But they advocated the immediate abolition of slavery. To say nothing of the expediency of this measure, the question, all will admit, is one of great public moment, and one upon which the philanthropist, the Christian, and the statesman, have a right and ought to speak and write their sentiments; and as well might it be contended, that publications advocating the election of Van Buren, the recharter of the United States Bank, or the reduction of duties on imports, are incendiary and inflammatory, as that those which advocate the immediate emancipation of the slaves arc of that character. The truth is, these publications were neither calculated to produce excitement nor alarm, even at the south, had not a hue and cry been raised against them.

The public mind at the south was no doubt somewhat exasperated on this subject; but this state of feeling, it is plain to be seen, was almost wholly produced by the intermeddling of political demagogues, who demanded and endeavoured to obtain a surrender of the liberty of the press, for the advancement of their ambitious schemes. And since the publication of the unprecedented sentiments contained in Mr. Kendall's letter, every effort has been used to produce the highest possible state of excitement, in order that the true character of the publications (as well as the laws and constitution) might be lost sight of, and in the heat of popular indignation condemned without a hearing.

Very few in the now slave-holding states even imagined that the publications referred to were inflammatory or incendiary, or calculated to excite apprehension or alarm, until Mr. Kendall told them so. His conduct was not only uncalled for by the times, but calculated to produce inconceivable mischief. It was the signal for general law-breaking; and it is not so surprising, that soon after Samuel L. Gouverneur, the Postmaster at New-York, should also have arrogated to himself the power to decide what information it is proper to send forth to the public, and have detained in his custody certain publications of the Anti-slavery Society, and asked for the sanction of this same Amos Kendall, which he readily received in his letter bearing date Aug. 22d, 1835.*

* See Appendix, No. II:

It is unnecessary to give the words of this inexplicable document. It sufficiently shows that Mr. Kendall had got into "a fog" in attempting to define the powers of the general government, and of the states. He had undertaken a task, for which he was wholly unqualified; such iniserable sophistry as he employs can have little weight upon intelligent minds, though it may have misled the ignorant.

The main point to be considered is, the sanction he gives Mr. Gouverneur for the illegal and dangerous course which he had the rashness to adopt.

The United States mail is the great depository of the public secrets, and cannot be violated under any pretence, without destroying all public confidence in it. The same principle which would justify a Postmaster in searching newspapers and periodicals, and detaining them under any pretence, would justify his opening, and searching, and detaining all scaled communications for the same purpose. There is no end to the abuses which would follow, but the end of the mail, this firmest safeguard of our liberties, which must inevitably follow the adoption of such sentiments by those with whom it is intrusted. But what is most extraordinary, Mr. Kendall admits the act which he approves to be unlawful; and although Mr. Gouverneur had taken a solemn oath to act in conformity to law, he recommends to him to add to his crime perjury, and a perfidious abuse of the authority with which he was invested. In ordinary times, a man of Mr. Kendall's abilities, assum

ing such an unnatural position, would be looked upon

as crazy.

The following remarks are from the Hartford Times, another administration paper of long standing, and the highest respectability: it has been uniform and firm in its adherence to republican principles, and its sentiments upon this, as upon all other subjects of public moment, are entitled to great weight.

"A few weeks since Samuel L. Gouverneur, Postmaster at New-York, assumed the power of inspecting the mails, and prohibiting a portion of the community from exercising the privileges enjoyed by their countrymen and secured by the laws and constitution to every citizen. This officer of the law, has undertaken to make law, and although placed in the situation he occupies to serve the people, faithfully and impartially, he arrogantly sets himself up to be master, and presumes not only to command, but to deny, and imprudently invades the rights of a portion of the community. The class thus proscribed are the abolitionists, whose infatuated conduct cannot be too severely censured; but who, nevertheless, have rights, and those rights ought not to be invaded or destroyed by Samuel L. Gouverneur, or any other individual, public or private. If the abolitionists are in error, and we hold they are, let calm unprejudiced reason set them right. It has been justly said by one of the wisest and soundest statesmen and philanthropists that the world has produced, that 'error of opinion may be safely tolerated, provided reason is left free

to combat it.' Mr. Gouverneur thinks differently, and has violated the laws, disregarded his oath, invaded the freedom of speech and the press, and the rights of his fellow citizens, because he thinks himself correct and others wrong. He has appealed to the Postmaster General, and we lament that he has met with any countenance from that officer.

"We publish the letter of the Postmaster General —and we do it with undisguised reluctance. It is indefensible in its positions, and such as we should never have expected from Mr. Kendall. We have little doubt that when the excitement of the moment shall have passed away, that Mr. Kendall will himself consider this letter in its true light, and frankly confess his error. There are few men in this country for whom we entertain a higher regard than Amos Kendall, and we have admired that stern, unbending Roman honesty, which has impelled him under trying circumstances, to discharge his duty with fidelity, and maintain the laws and constitution in their purity. This letter, however, is unworthy of him, and must be condemned by every intelligent, independent, and thinking freeman. He commences by telling Mr. Gouverneur there is no authority for the step he has taken-that it is illegal, and yet, in the next sentence he also tells him, 'if I were situated as you are, I would do as you have done.' Is this the language, the advice, the example of a high public functionary, the head of one of the most responsible departments in this government? And is it for a moment to be justified? Certainly not.

"We know that it is said that this is an extraordi