AT ATHENS. HIS FIRST ACHIEVEMENTS. A DOU-
BLE VICTORY GAINED OVER THE PERSIANS, NEAR
THE RIVER EURYMEDON. DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES.

A. M. 3533.

any one who should deliver him up, which conse- | them abundantly with all things necessary for supquently was his due, as Themistocles had brought porting, in a magnificent manner, their household him his head, by surrendering himself to him. He establishment. Themistocles lived for some years afterwards desired him to give an account of the in Magnesia in the utmost splendour, till he came to affairs of Greece. But as Themistocles could not his end in the manner which will be related hereafter. express his thoughts to the king without the assistance of an interpreter, he desired time might be al- SECTION III.-CIMOM BEGINS TO MAKE A FIGURE lowed him to learn the Persian tongue; hoping he then should be able to explain those things which he was desirous of communicating to him, better than he could by the aid of a third person. It is the says he, with a speech of a man, as with a piece of tapestry, which must be spread out and unfolded, to show the figures and beauty of the work. His request being granted, Themistocles, in the space of twelve months, made so great a progress in the Persian language, that he spoke it with greater elegance than the Persians themselves, and consequently could converse with the king without the help of an interpreter. This prince treated him with uncommon marks of friendship and esteem; he made him marry a lady descended from one of the noblest families in Persia; gave him a palace and an equipage suitable to it, and settled a noble pension on him. He used to carry him abroad on his parties of hunting, and invited him to every banquet and entertainment; and sometimes conversed privately with him, so that the lords of the court grew jealous and uneasy upon that account. He even presented him to the princesses, who honoured him with their esteem, and received his visits. It is observed as a proof of the peculiar favour showed him, that by the king's special order, Themistocles was admitted to hear the lectures and discourses of the Magi, and was instructed by them in all the secrets of their philosophy.

THE Athenians having lost one of same, their most distinguished citizens,2 as well as ablest generals, by the Ant. J. C. 471. banishment of Themistocles, endeavoured to retrieve that loss, by bestowing the command of the armies on Cimon, who was not inferior to him in merit.

Another proof of his great influence is related. Demaratus of Sparta, who was then at court, being commanded by the king to ask any thing of him, he desired that he might be suffered to make his entry on horseback into the city of Sardis, with the royal tiara on his head a ridiculous vanity! equally unworthy of the Grecian grandeur, and the simplicity of a Lacedæmonian! The king, exasperated at the inso- | lence of his demand, expressed his disgust in the strongest terms, and seemed resolved not to pardon him; but Themistocles having interceded, the king restored him to favour.

In fine, the credit and influence of Themistocles was so great, that under the succeeding reigns, in which the affairs of Persia were still more mixed with those of Greece, whenever the kings were desirous of engaging any Greek in their service, they used to declare expressly in their letters, that he should be in greater favour with them than Themistocles had been with Artaxerxes.

It is said also that Themistocles, when in his most flourishing condition in Persia, honoured and esteemed by all the world, who were emulous in making their court to him, said one day, when his table was covered magnificently: "Children, we should have been ruined, if we had not been ruined."

But at last, as it was judged necessary for the king's interest that Themistocles should reside in some city of Asia Minor, that he might be ready on any occasion which should present itself; he was accordingly sent to Magnesia, situated on the Meander; and besides the whole revenues of that city (which amounted to fifty talents! every year,) he had those of Myus and Lampsacus assigned him for his maintenance. One of the cities was to furnish him with bread, another with wine, and a third with other provisions. Some authors add two more, viz. for his furniture and clothes. Such was the custom of the ancient kings of the East: instead of settling pensions on persons whom they rewarded, they gave them cities, and sometimes even provinces, which under the name of bread, wine, &c. were to furnish

Fifty thousand crowns; or, about 11,2501. sterling. VOL. I.-31

He spent his youth in such excesses as did him no honour, and presaged no good with regard to his future conduct. The example of this illustrious Athenian, who passed his juvenile years in so dissolute a manner, and afterwards rose to so exalted a pitch of glory, shows, that parents must not always despair of a son, when wild and irregular in his youth; especially when nature has endued him with genius, goodness of heart, generous inclinations, and an es teem for persons of merit. Such was the character of Cimon. The ill reputation he had drawn upon himself having prejudiced the people against him, he at first was very ill received by them; when, being discouraged by this repulse, he resolved to lay aside all thoughts of concerning himself with public business. But Aristides perceiving, through all his faults, that he possessed many fine qualities, consoled him, inspired him with hope, pointed out the path he should take, instilled good principles into him, and did not a little contribute, by the excellent instructions he gave him, and the affection he expressed for him on all occasions, to make him the man he afterwards appeared. What more important service could he have done his country?

Plutarch observes, that after Cimon had laid aside his juvenile extravagances, his conduct was in every respect great and noble: and that he was not inferior to Miltiades either in courage and intrepidity, nor to Themistocles in prudence and sense; but that he was more just and virtuous than either of them; and that without being at all inferior to them in military excellence, he far surpassed them in the practice of the moral virtues.

It would be of great advantage to a state, if those who excel in particular professions would take pleasure, and make it their duty, to fashion and instruct such youths as are remarkable for the pregnancy of their parts and goodness of disposition. They would thereby have an opportunity of serving their country even after their death, and of perpetuating, in the person of their pupils, a taste and inclination for true merit, and the practice of the wisest maxims.

The Athenians, a little after Themistocles had left his country, having put to sea a fleet under the command of Cimon the son of Miltiades, took Eion, on the banks of the Strymon, Amphipolis, and other places of Thrace; and as this was a very fruitful country, Cimon planted a colony in it, and sent 10,000 Athenians thither for that purpose.

The fate of Eion is too singular to be omitted here.5 Boges was governor of it under the king of Persia, and acted with such a zeal and fidelity for his sovereign, as have few examples. When besieged by Cimon and the Athenians, it was in his power to have capitulated upon honourable terms, and to have returned to Asia with his family and all his effects.

2 Diod. 1. xi. p. 45. Plut, in Cim. p. 482, 483. 9 Plut. in Cim. p. 480. 4 Ibid. p. 481. Herod. l. vii. c. 107. Plut. p. 482. Plutarch calls him Butis. Herodotus seems to place this history under Xerxes; but it is more probable that it happened under Artaxerxes his successor.

However, being persuaded he could not do this with | soever he might appear, a vain-glorious animal, anima. honour, he resolved to die rather than surrender. The city was assaulted with the utmost fury, and he defended it with incredible bravery. Being at last in the utmost want of provisions, he threw from the walls into the river Strymon all the gold and silver in the place; then caused fire to be set to a pile, and having killed his wife, his children, and his whole family, he threw them into the midst of the flames, and afterwards rushed into them himself. The king of Persia could not but admire, and at the same time bewail, so surprising an example of generosity. The heathens, indeed, might give this name to what is rather savage ferocity and barbarity.

gloria. The gardens and orchards of Cimon were always open, by his order, to the citizens in general; who were allowed to gather whatever fruits they pleased. His table was daily covered in a frugal but polite manner. It was entirely different from those delicate and sumptuous tables, to which only a few persons of great distinction are admitted; and which are covered merely to display a vain magnificence or elegance of taste. That of Cimon was plain, but abundant; and all the poor citizens were received at it without distinction. In thus banishing from his entertainments whatever had the least air of ostentation and luxury, he reserved to himself an inexhaustible fund, not only for the expenses of his house, but for the wants of his friends, his domestics, and a very, great number of citizens; demonstrating, by this conduct, that he knew much better than most rich men the true use and value of riches.

Cimon made himself master also of the island of Scyros, where he found the bones of Theseus, the son of Egeus, who had fled from Athens to that city, and there ended his days. An oracle had commanded that search should be made after his bones. Cimon put them on board his galley, adorned them He was always followed by some servants, who magnificently, and carried them to his native coun- were ordered to slip privately a piece of money into try, near 800 years after Theseus had left it. The the hands of such poor as they met, and to give people received them with the highest expres- clothes to those who were in want of them. He often sions of joy; and, to perpetuate the remembrance of buried such persons as had not left money enough this event, they instituted games in which the tragic behind them to defray the expenses of their funeral; pocts were to try their skill, which became very famous, and what is worthy of admiration, and which Plutarch and contributed exceedingly to the improvement of does not fail to observe, he did not act in this manner the drama, by the wonderful emulation it excited to gain credit among the people, nor to purchase their among the tragic poets, whose pieces were represent-voices: since we find him, on all occasions, declaring ed on the stage. For Sophocles, who was then a for the contrary faction, that is, in favour of such citizens young man, having brought his first play on the stage, as were most considerable for their wealth or authority. the archon, who presided at these games, observing Although he saw all the rest of the governors of there was a strong faction among the spectators, pre- his time enrich themselves by the plunder and oppresvailed with Cimon and the rest of the generals hission of the public, he was always incorruptible, and colleagues (who were ten in number, and chosen his hands were never stained with extortion, or the one out of each tribe,) to sit as judges. The prize smallest present; and he continued, during his whole was adjudged to Sophocles, which so deeply afflicted life, not only to speak, but to act, gratuitously, and Eschylus, who till then had been considered as the without the least view of interest, whatever he thought greatest dramatic poet, that Athens became insupport- might be of advantage to the commonwealth. able to him, and he withdrew to Sicily, where he died. The confederates had taken a great number of barbarian prisoners in Sestus and Byzantium ;1 and, as a proof of the high regard they had for Cimon, entreated him to distribute the booty. Accordingly, Cimon placed all the captives (stark naked) on one side, and on the other all their riches and spoils. The allies complained of this partition as too unequal; but Cimon giving them the choice, they immediately took the riches which belonged to the Persians, and left the prisoners for the Athenians. Cimon therefore set out with his portion, and was considered very little qualified to settle the distribution of prizes: for the allies carried off a great number of chains, necklaces, and bracelets of gold; a large quantity of rich habits, and fine purple cloaks; whilst the Athenians had for their share only a multitude of human creatures, quite naked, and unfit for labour. However, the relations and friends of these captives came soon after from Phrygia and Lydia, and purchased them all at a very high price; so that, with the money arising from their ransom, Cimon had enough to maintain his fleet four months; besides a great sum of money which was put into the public treasury, not to mention what he had himself for his own share. He afterwards used to take exceeding pleasure, in relating this adventure to his friends.

To a great number of other excellent qualities, Cimon united sound sense, extraordinary prudence, and a profound knowledge of the genius and charac ters of men. The allies, besides the sums of money in which each of them was taxed, were to furnish a certain number of men and ships. Several among them, who, ever since the retreat of Xerxes, were studious of nothing but their ease, and applied themselves entirely to the cultivation of their lands, in order to free themselves from the toils and dangers of war, chose to furnish their quota in money rather than in men, and left to the Athenians the care of manning with soldiers and rowers the ships they were obliged to furnish. The other generals, who had no forecast and penetration into the future, gave such of the allies as acted in this manner some uneasiness at first, and were for obliging them to observe the treaty literally. But Cimon, when in power, acted in a quite different manner, and suffered them to enjoy the tranquillity they chose; plainly perceiving, that the allies, instead of being, as formerly, warlike in the field, would insensibly lose their martial spirit, and be fit for nothing but husbandry and trade; whilst the Athenians, by exercising the oar, and having arms in their hands perpetually, would be more and more inured to the fatigues of war, and daily increase in power. What Cimon had foreseen happened; these very people purchased themselves masters at their own expense; so that they who before had been companions and allies, became in some measure the subjects and tributaries of the Athenians.

A. M. 3534. Ant. J. C. 470.

No Grecian general ever gave so great a blow to the pride and haughtiness of the Persian monarch as Cimon. After the barbarians had been driven out of Greece, he did not give them time

to take breath; but sailed immediately after them with a fleet of upwards of 200 ships, took their strong est cities, and brought over all their allies; so that the king of Persia had not one soldier left in Asia, from Ionia to Pamphylia. Still pursuing his point, he had the boldness to attack the enemy's fleet, though much stronger than his own. It lay near the mouth of the river Eurymedon, and consisted of 350 sail of ships, supported by the land army on the coast. It was soon put to flight, and more than 200 sail were taken, besides those that were sunk. A great number of the Persians had left their ships, and leaped into the sea, in order to join their land army, which lay on the shore. It was very hazardous to attempt a descent in sight of the enemy; and to lead on troops, which were already fatigued by their late battle, against fresh forces much superior in number. However, Cimon, finding that the whole army was eager to engage the barbarians, thought proper to take advantage of the ardour of the soldiers, who were greatly animated with their first success. Accordingly he landed, and marched them directly against the barbarians, who waited resolutely for their coming up, and sustained the first onset with much valour; however, being at last obliged to give way, they fled. A great slaughter ensued, and an infinite number of prisoners and immensely rich spoils were taken. Cimon having, in one day, gained two victories, which almost equalled those of Salamis and Plate; to crown all, sailed out to meet a reinforcement of eighty-four Phoenician ships, which were coming from Cyprus to join the Persian fleet, and knew nothing of what had passed. They were all either taken or sunk, and most of the soldiers were killed or drowned.

their military engines, all the women cut off their hair with the greatest readiness, and applied it to that purpose. The city being reduced to the utmost distress by famine, which daily swept away a great number of the inhabitants, Hegetorides, a Thracian, deeply afflicted with seeing such multitudes of his fellow citizens perish, resolutely determined to sacrifice his life for the preservation of his country. Accordingly, he put a halter round his neck, and presenting himself to the assembly, "Countrymen," says he, "do with me as you please, and do not spare me, if you judge proper; but let my death save the rest of the people, and prevail with you to abolish the cruel law you have enacted, so contrary to your welfare." The Thracians, struck with these words, abolished the law, but would not suffer it to cost so generous a citizen his life. They surrendered themselves to the Athenians, who spared their lives, and only dismantled their city. After Cimon had landed his troops on the shore opposite to Thrace, he seized on all the gold-mines in that quarter, and subdued every part of that country as far as Macedonia. He might have attempted the conquest of that kingdom; and, in all probability, could have easily possessed himself of part of it, had he thought fit to improve the opportunity. And indeed, for his neglect in this point, on his return to Athens, he was prosecuted, as having been bribed by the money of the Macedonians and of Alexander, their king. But Cimon had a soul superior to all temptations of that kind, and proved his innocence in the clearest light.

A. M. 3538. Ant. J.C. 466.

The conquests of Cimone and the power of the Athenians, which increased every day, gave Artaxerxes great uneasiness. To prevent the consequences, he resolved to send Themistocles into Attica, with a great army, and accordingly proposed it to him.

Themistocles was in great perplexity on this occasion. On one side the remembrance of the favours which the king had heaped upon him; the positive assurances he had given that monarch, to serve him with the utmost zeal on all occasions; the urgency of the king, who claimed his promise; all these considerations would not permit him to refuse the commission. On the other side, the love of his country, which the injustice and ill treatment of his fellowcitizens could not banish from his mind; his strong reluctance to sully the glory of his former laurels and mighty achievements by so ignominious a step; perhaps, too, the fear of being unsuccessful in a war, in which he should be opposed by excellent generals, and particularly by Cimen, who hitherto had been as successful as valiant; these different reflections would not suffer him to declare against his country, in an enterprise which, whether successful or not, could not but reflect shame on himself.

Cimon, after these glorious exploits, returned in triumph to Athens; and employed part of the spoils in fortifying the harbour, and in beautifying the city. The riches which a general amasses in the field, are applied to the noblest uses when they are disposed of in this manner, and reflect infinitely greater honour upon him, than if he expended them in building magnificent palaces for himself, which must one time or other devolve to strangers; whereas works, built for public use, are his property, in some measure, for ever, and transmit his name to the latest posterity. It is well known that such embellishments in a city give infinite pleasure to the people,2 who are always struck with works of this kind; and this, as Plutarch observes in the life of Cimon, is one of the surest, and, at the same time, the most lawful, methods of acquiring their friendship and esteem. The year following, this general A. M. 3535. sailed towards the Hellespont; and Ant. J. C. 469. having driven the Persians out of the Thracian Chersonesus, of which they had made themselves masters, he conquered it in the name of the Athenians, though he himself had more right to it, as Militades his father had been its soveTo rid himself at once of all these inward strugreign. He afterwards attacked the people of the isl-gles, he resolved to put an end to his life, as the only and of Thasos, who had revolted from the Athenians, and defeated their fleet. They maintained their revolt with an almost unparalleled obstinacy and fury. As if they had been in arms against the most cruel and barbarous enemies, from whom they had the worst of evils to fear, they made a law, that the first man who should only mention the concluding a treaty with the Athenians, should be put to death. The siege was carried on three years, during which the inhabitants suffered all the calamities of war with the same obstinacy. The women were no less inflexible than the men ;5 for, when the besieged wanted ropes for

method he could devise not to be wanting in the duty which he owed his country, nor to the promises he had made the prince. He therefore prepared a solemn sacrifice, to which he invited all his friends; when, after embracing them all, and taking a last farewell of them, he drank bull's blood; or, according to others, swallowed a dose of poison, and died in this manner at Magnesia, aged threescore and five years, the greatest part of which he had spent either in the government of the republic, or the command of the armies. When the king was told the cause and manner of his death,8 he esteemed and admired him still more, and continued his favour to his friends and domestics. But the unexpected death of Themistocles proved an obstacle to the design that he meditated

of attacking the Greeks. The Magnesians erected a splendid monument to the memory of that general in the public square, and granted peculiar privileges and honours to his descendants. They continued to enjoy them in Plutarch's time, that is, near 600 years after, and his tomb was still standing.

Atticus, in the beautiful dialogue of Cicero, entitled Brutus, refutes, in an agreeable and ingenious manner, the tragical end which some writers ascribe to Themistocles, as related above; pretending that the whole is a fiction, invented by rhetoricians, who, on the bare rumour that this great man died by poison, had of themselves added all the other particulars to embellish the story, which otherwise would have been very dry and uninteresting. He appeals for this to Thucydides, that judicious historian, who was an Athenian, and almost contemporary with Themistocles. This author indeed owns, that a report had prevailed, that this general had poisoned himself; however, his opinion was, that he died a natural death, and that his friends conveyed his bones secretly to Athens, where, in Pausanias's time, his mausoleam was standing near the great harbour. This account seems much more probable than the other.

Themistocles was certainly one of the greatest men that Greece ever produced. He had a great soul, and invincible courage, which was even inflamed by danger; was fired with an incredible thirst for glory, which sometimes his patriotism would temper and allay, but which sometimes carried him too far; his presence of mind was such,3 that it immediately suggested whatever course was most necessary to pursue: in fine, he had a sagacity and penetration that revealed to him, in the clearest light, the most secret designs of his enemies; and caused him to adopt long beforehand the several measures which were requisite to disconcert them, and inspire him with great, noble, bold, extensive views with regard to the honour of his country. The most essential qualities of the heart were, however, wanting in him, I mean, probity, sincerity, equity, and good faith; nor was he altogether free from suspicions of avarice, which is a great blemish in the character of a statesman.

Nevertheless, a noble sentiment as well as action is related of him, which speak a great and disinterested soul. His daughter being asked of him in marriage,5 he preferred an honest poor man to a rich | one of an indifferent character; and gave for his reason, "That in the choice of a son-in-law, he would much rather have merit without riches, than riches without merit.

SECTION IV.-THE REVOLT OF THE EGYPTIANS
AGAINST PERSIA, SUPPORTED BY THE ATHENIANS.

pedition, he gave the command of it to Achæmenes, one of his brothers. The latter being arrived in Egypt, encamped his great army on the banks of the Nile. During this interval, the Athenians having defeated the Persian fleet, and either destroyed or taken fifty of their ships, went up that river, landed their forces under the command of Charitimis their general, and having joined Inarus and his Egyptians, they charged Achamenes, and defeated him in a great battle, in which that Persian general and 100,000 of his soldiers were slain. Those who escaped fled to Memphis, whither the conquerors pursued them, and immediately made themselves masters of two quarters of the city: but the Persians having fortified themselves in the third, called the white wall, which was the largest and strongest of the three, they were besieged in it near three years, during which they made a most vigorous defence, till they were at last delivered by the forces sent to their aid.

A. M. 3546.

Ant. J. C.458.

A. M. 3547. Ant. J. C. 457.

Artaxerxes, hearing of the defeat of his army, and how much the Athenians had contributed to it; in order to make a diversion of their forces and hinder them from acting against him, sent ambassadors to the Lacedæmonians, with a large sum of money, to engage them to proclaim war against the Athenians. But the Lacedæmonians having rejected the offer, their refusal did not abate his ardour, and accordingly he gave Megabyzus and Artabazus the command of the forces destined against Egypt. These generals immediately raised an ariny of 300,000 men in Cilicia and Phoenicia. obliged to wait till the fleet was equipped, which was not till the next year. Artabazus then took upon him the command of it, and sailed towards the Nile, while Megabyzus, at the head of the land army, marched towards Memphis. He raised the siege of that city, and afterwards fought Inarus. All the forces on both sides engaged in this battle, in which Inarus was entirely defeated; but the Egyptians, who had rebelled, suffered most in this slaughter.

They were

A. M. 3548. Ant. J.C.456.

After this defeat, Inarus, though wounded by Megabyzus, retreated with the Athenians, and such Egyptians as were willing to follow him; and reached Byblos, a city in the island of Prosopitis, which is surrounded by two arms of the Nile, both of which are navigable. The Athenians ran their fleet into one of these arms, where it was secured from the attacks of the enemy, and held out a siege of a year and a half in this island.

After the battle, all the rest of Egypt submitted to the conqueror, and was reunited to the empire of Artaxerxes, except Amyrteus, who had still a small party in the fens, where he long supported himself, through the difficulty the Persians found in penetrating far enough to reduce him.

A. M. 3550. Ant. J. C. 454.

THE Egyptians,6 in the mean A. M. 3544. time, to free themselves from a foAnt. J. C. 560. reign yoke which was insupportable to them, revolted from Artaxerxes, and made Inarus, prince of the Lybians, their king. They called in to their assistance the Athenians, who The siege of Prosopitis was still having at that time a fleet of 200 ships at the island of carrying on. The Persians finding Cyprus, accepted the invitation with pleasure, and im- that they made no progress by the mediately set sail for Egypt; judging this a very fa- usual methods of attack, because they vourable opportunity to weaken the power of the Per- had to deal with persons who were not deficient either sians, by driving them out of so great a kingdom. in courage or skill to defend themselves, had recourse Advice being brought Artaxerxes to an extraordinary expedient, which soon produced A. M. 3545. of this revolt, he raised an army of what force had not been able to effect. They turned Ant. J. C. 459. 300,000 men, and resolved to march the course, by different canals, of that arm of the Nile in person against the rebels. But his in which the Athenians lay, and by that means opened friends advising him not to venture himself in that ex- themselves a passage for their whole army to enter the island. Inarus, seeing that all was lost, capitulated 1 Brut. n. 42, 43. with Megabyzus for himself, for all his Egyptians, De instantibus, ut ait Thucydides, verissimè judicabat, and about fifty Athenians, and surrendered upon conet de futuris callidissimè conjiciebat, Corn. Nep. in The-dition that their lives should be spared. The remain

mist. c. i.

* Lib. i. p. 1.

Plut. in Themist. p. 121.

Themistocles, cùm consuleretur utrùm bono viro pauperi, an minùs probato diviti filiam collocaret: Ego vero inqint, mao virum qui pecunia egeat, quam pecuniam que viro. Cic. de Offic. 1. ii. c. 71.

0 Thucyd. L. i. p. 68, and 71, 72. Ctes. c. 32-85. Diod. xi. p. 54-59.

der of the auxiliary forces, which formed a body of 6000 men, resolved to hold out longer; and for this purpose they set fire to their ships, and drawing up in order of battle, resolved to die sword in hand, and sell their lives as dear as they could, in imitation of the Lacedæmonians, who refused to yield, and were all