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tioning the wisdom of a restrictive or protective policy, as necessary to the state of our trade at an earlier period of our history, as applicable to the circumstances of the present day, it appears very doubtful. The time when monopolies could be successfully supported, or would be patiently endured, either in respect to subjects against subjects, or particular countries against the rest of the world, seems to have passed away. Commerce, to continue undisturbed and secure, must be, as it was intended to be, a source of reciprocal amity between nations, and an interchange of productions, to promote the industry, the wealth, and the happiness of mankind. If it be true that different degrees of advantage will be reaped from it, according to the natural and political circumstances, the skill and the industry of different countries; it is true also, that whatever be the advantages so acquired, though they may excite emulation and enterprize, they can rouse none of those sentiments of animosity, or that spirit of angry retaliation, naturally excited by them when attributed to prohibitions and restrictions, jealously enacted and severely maintained.

Your Committee are, however, sensible, that at once to abandon the prohibitory system, would be of all things the most visionary and dangerous. It has long subsisted: it is the law not only of this kingdom, but of the rest of the European world; and any sudden departure from it is forbidden by every consideration of prudence, safety, and justice. No such sudden change

and beneficially recommended, no less with a view to the interests of this country, than to the situation of surrounding nations. Upon them the policy of Great Britain has rarely been without its influence. The principles recognized and acted upon by her may powerfully operate in aiding the general progress towards the establishment of a liberal and enlightened system of national intercourse throughout the world, as they have too long done in supporting one of a contrary character, by furnishing the example and justification of various measures of com

mercial exclusion and restriction. To measures of this nature her pre-eminence and prosperity have been unjustly ascribed.

It is not to prohibitions and protections we are indebted for our commercial greatness and maritime power; these, like every public blessing we enjoy, are the effects of the free principles of the happy constitution under which we live, which, by protecting individual liberty, and the security of property, by holding out the most splendid rewards to successful industry and merit, has, in every path of human exertion, excited the efforts, encouraged the genius, and called into action all the powers of an aspiring, enlightened, and enterprizing people. 18th July, 1820.

SECOND REPORT

is in the contemplation of your Com- of the Commissioners on the Education

mittee, nor indeed the adoption of any change, without the utmost circumspection and caution. But they still feel, that a principle of gradual and prospective approximation to a sounder system, as the standard of all future commercial regulations, may be wisely

of the Poor.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE
LORDS SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL,
IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED,
WE, the Commissioners named and
appointed by his Majesty's Commis-

sion, under the Great Seal, bearing date the 20th day of August, in the 58th year of his Majesty's reign, issued in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, made and passed in the said 58th year of his Majesty's reign, entitled, "An Act for appointing Commissioners to Inquire concerning Charities in England for the Education of the Poor,"

Do further report, as follows:In the prosecution of the duties intrusted to us, we have now completed our investigation of all the charities for education which have come to our knowledge in the counties of Berks, Kent, and Sussex; with the exception only of two in Berkshire, and five in Sussex, concerning which we still wish for some further information, and have, therefore, for the present, deferred reporting upon them. We have also made considerable progress in the examination of those in London and Westminster, and in the county of Middlesex.

In the present Report are contained 170 cases; of which, 19 are in the cities of London and Westminster, 2 in the county of Berks, 39 in the county of Kent, 59 in the county of Middlesex, 4 in the county of Surrey, and 47 in the county of Sussex; besides 1 in the latter county, falling within the exception of the 12th section of the said Act of Parliament relating to special visitors.

The total number of charities which have fallen within our inquiry, in the three counties of which we may consider the examination as completed, is as follows: in Berkshire 91, in Kent 135, in Sussex 75, exclusive of 2 in Berkshire, 4 in Kent, and 1 in Sussex, which, having special visitors, are not within the scope of our commission.

Except for the purpose of completing the examination of those three counties, we have latterly confined our inquiries chiefly to the institutions in the metropolis and its neighbourhood, deeming it advisable not to commence any investigation in a distant district during the pendency of a measure by which it is proposed to extend the objects of the commission, and which, if carried into effect, might make it necessary to visit the same places a second time.

In preparing our separate reports of each charity, we have pursued the plan formerly adopted, except that in a greater proportion of cases we have endeavoured to embody the evidence so completely in the reports, as to render its insertion in the appendix unnecessary.

The Act of Parliament requires that we should report our proceedings once in each half year; but it will be observed, that little more than four months have elapsed since our former Report was presented. We have, however, been anxious to produce a second Report before the termination of the present session, in order that the result of our investigations might be brought before the notice of Parliament with as little delay as possible, and before the provisions of a new Act may have prescribed some new course of proceeding.

In the Appendix to this Report, the following important facts are to be found:

Population in 1811, of the forty counties included in the table, (being exclusive of Wales,) 9,543,610.

Number of poor in 1815 in those counties, 353,249.

ENDOWED SCHOOLS.

Number of Schools. Children Educated. Average of Children

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Number educated gratis at Schools of both kinds, 322,518

Number who pay,

Total of week-day Schools, 18,449

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us, is one-ninth of the whole popula-
tion, according to the Breslaw tables,
but according to the returns and di-
gests from the English counties, it is
If all the children
nearer one-tenth.
between the ages of six and twelve
(both inclusive) are comprehended, we
imagine the proportion should be more
nearly (See Milne's Annuities, p.
534.) But one-ninth may be assumed
as sufficiently correct in practice.

The endowed week-day Schools of England, supposing them to be equally distributed, amount to 1 for every 280 2580 individuals, or 1 for every children requiring education. And the total annual revenue of these schools is L.300,525.

The parochial schools of Scotland (allowing one for each parish) should be 893, which, taking the population at 2,000,000, gives one for 2230 persons, or one for 248 children requiring education. The whole expense of supporting these schools (exclusive of scholars' contributions) most probably does not exceed 35,000l. per annum. Apart from the parish schools, there are not many endowed schools in Scotland; the sums sunk (or mortifi. ed) for the encouragement of education being chiefly attached to the parochial schools.

Of week-day schools, endowed and unendowed, England has 18,449, which amounts to one for 582 individuals, or one for 65 children at the school age. To supply Scotland with schools in equal proportion to her population, 2527 must be added to the parochial schools. In reality, however, if the children at school in this country amount to one-ninth or onetenth of the population, as stated by Mr Brougham, the number of pupils must be about 200,000; and allowing 50 for each school, which is probably too high, the whole number of schools must be at least 4000.

schools is 452,817. Mr Brougham
reckons it 100,000, for what reason
we know not, unless it be that the
Sunday scholars receive only one-fifth
of the proper quantum of education,
or that part attend week-day schools
also, which, added to the others, makes
a total of 1,097,099. Now, the entire
number requiring education in Eng-
land is, on Mr Brougham's principle,
only 1,074,000, or on that stated above,
1,193,000; so that on any hypothesis
10 of all who require it receive a cer-
tain proportion of education.

In France, according to Mr Brougham, 1,070,000 children were at school in 1819. The number requiring education, taking the population at 29,500,000, must be 3,278,000, or three times the number actually receiving it. France is, therefore, in a much worse situation as to the means of elementary instruction than England.

REPORT

From the Select Committee of the
House of Commons, appointed to
consider of so much of the Criminal
Laws as relates to Capital Punish-

ment.

The Committee, in execution of the trust delegated to them by the House, have abstained from all consideration of those capital felonies which may be said to be of a political nature, being of sodirected against the authority of government and the general peace ciety. To the nature and efficacy of the secondary punishments, of transportation and imprisonment, they have directed no part of their inquiries, because another Committee had been appointed to investigate them, and because no part of the facts or arguments to be stated in this Report, will be The number educated at Sunday found to depend, either on the present

state of these secondary punishments, or on the degree of improvement of which they may be found capable. The object of the Committee has been to ascertain, as far as the nature of the case admitted by evidence, whether, in the present state of the sentiments of the people of England, capital punishment in most cases of offences unattended with violence, be a necessary, or even the most effectual security against the prevalence of crimes.

The deputy clerk of assize for the home circuit, has laid before the Committee, a return of commitments, convictions, and executions on that circuit, which comprehends the counties of Herts, Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, from 1689 to 1718, from 1755 to 1784, and from 1784 to 1814. The returns of the intermediate period, from 1718 to 1755, he will doubtless furnish very soon. From this important return it appears, that, for the first thirty years which followed the revolution, the average proportion of convictions to executions was 38 to 20; that from 1755 to 1784, it was 46 to 13; and that from 1784 to 1814, it was 74 to 19. It is worthy of remark, that the whole number of convictions for murder, on the home circuit, in the first period was 123; that the executions for the same period were 87 that in the second, the convictions, for the same offence were 67, and the executions 57; and that in the third, the convictions were 54, and the executions 44. If the increase of the population, during a prosperous period of a hundred and thirty years, be taken into the account, and if we bear in mind that within that time a considerable city has grown up on the southern bank of the Thames, we shall be disposed to consider it as no exaggeration to affirm, that in this district (not one of the most favourably situated in this respect) murder has abated in the

remarkable proportion of three, if not four, to one.

In the thirty years from 1755 to 1784, the whole convictions for mur der in London and Middlesex were 71; and in the thirty years from 1784 to 1814, they were 66. In the years 1815, 1816, and 1817, the whole convictions for murder in London were 9, while in the three preceding years they were 14. Most of the other returns relate to too short a period, or too nar row a district, to afford materials for safe conclusion with respect to the comparative frequency of crimes at different periods.

In general, however, it appears that murders, and other crimes of violence and cruelty, have either diminished, or not increased; and that the deplorable increase of criminals is not of such a nature as to indicate any diminution in the humanity of the people. The practice of immediately publishing the circumstances of every atrocious crime, and of circulating in various forms an account of every stage of the proceedings which relate to it, is far more prevalent in England than in any other country, and in our times than in any former age. It is on the whole of great utility, not only as a control on courts of judicature, but also as a means of rendering it extremely difficult for odious criminals to escape.

The statutes creating capital felonies, which the Committee have considered, are reducible to two classes; the first relates to acts either so nearly indifferent as to require no penalty, or if injurious, not of such a magnitude as that they may not safely be left punishable as misdemeanors at common law. In these the Committee propose the repeal; they are as follows:

1.-1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, c. 4. Egyptians remaining within the kingdom one month.

2.-18 Charles II, c. 3. Notori

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