beforehand on any policy. Lord Palmerston agreed with Sir James Graham that there was no use in determining on a policy till the contingency contemplated had arisen; but, in the meanwhile, he was in favour of compelling Russia to evacuate the Principalities by the force of remonstrance and demonstration. Lord Aberdeen was averse from indulging in warlike speculations, and wished to preserve his freedom to act at the proper time as wisdom and our true interests might dictate.

It was the natural consequence of these divergent opinions that no intimation was sent to the Czar of the probable policy of England. In July Lord Palmerston, during Lord John's temporary absence from the Cabinet, made one more effort for securing a stronger policy.

CARLTON] G[ARDENS], July 7, 1853. MY DEAR JOHN Russell,-. . . I tried again to persuade the Cabinet to send the squadrons up to the Bosphorus, but failed; I was told that Stratford and La Cour have power to call for them. This is no doubt stated in public despatches, but we all know that he has been privately desired not to do so. I think our position, waiting timidly and submissively at the back door while Russia is violently threatening and arrogantly forcing her way into the house, is unwise with a view to a peaceful settlement, and derogatory to the character and standing and dignity of the two powers.

...

We cannot deny that the presence of our squadrons in the Bosphorus would greatly encourage the Porte, greatly discourage insurrections in any part of Turkey, and greatly tend to make the Emperor pause. Words may properly be answered by words, but acts should be replied to by acts; and the entrance of the Russians as invaders into the Turkish territory ought to be followed and replied to by the entrance of the squadrons into the Bosphorus. PALMERSTON.

Yours sincerely,

Bold advice, which, if it had been taken, would have at once made this country an avowed principal in the quarrel, and might possibly, even at the eleventh hour, have induced the Czar to pause. But advice which there was no chance of the Cabinet adopting. For Lord Aberdeen was labouring for

peace; and, though he was not strong enough to enforce his own policy on his colleagues, he was able to withstand the counsels of those who would have made ready for battle.

It so happened that the abstinence from any warlike movement in July was of the less importance because, almost for the first time, a fair prospect existed of terminating the dispute by negotiation. The four neutral powers agreed on what was afterwards known as the Vienna Note, which they determined on presenting for simultaneous acceptance both at St. Petersburg and at Constantinople. Lord John formed a strong opinion that the Turks should be allowed no discretion in the matter. The Turks, so he thought, should be plainly told that they 'must' sign the note. Lord Stratford, so he urged, should receive positive instructions to that effect; if Lord Stratford hesitated, these orders must be repeated and enforced; and Turkey must be distinctly told that if she did not choose to accept the Austrian note, both in words and substance, we could no longer aid her in her contest with Russia. He wrote to Lord Clarendon on the 20th of July

The Emperor [of Russia] should be allowed to choose the French or the English project as he likes best : 1 and whichever he chooses must be imposed on the Turks. But the Czar should not be allowed to haggle or botch or make mischief.

And again on the 20th of August

I think the positive orders given to Stratford must produce their effect; if not, they must be repeated and enforced. The Turks must be told that if they will not make this moderate concession, which is after all scarcely more than their own last note, they must be prepared to see the Principalities occupied all the winter, for we cannot abet them in their obstinacy.

On the other hand, the Emperor of Russia must not be permitted to go beyond his present position. He has no case for the invasion of Turkey. If he crosses the Danube, our fleet must go up to the Bosphorus.

1 Drafts of the Vienna Note were prepared originally both by France and England.

But, if he remains quiet, holding his material guarantee, he will have before the spring the diplomatic security he asks.

The only danger is that the war party in Turkey may bring on a war by some imprudence-an attack on outposts, or the like. In that case Russia can hardly be kept in a leash, and we must take fresh counsels with our three allies.

The

In the meanwhile the session of 1853 had come to a close, and Lord John, freed from his Parliamentary labours, took his wife and children down to Roseneath. During his stay at Roseneath he went to Minto to see his father-in-law, who, it will be recollected, had a few weeks before lost his wife. sympathy which is generated by affliction predisposed him, probably, to pay more than usual attention to all that fell from Lord Minto; and Lord Minto had, throughout the summer, been disposed to regard the obstinacy of the Turks with a little more complacency than Lord John. However this may be, while Lord John was in his father-in-law's society, he received the following letters from Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon :

ARGYLL HOUSE, Sunday.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,-Wodehouse1 has just sent me the copy of a telegraphic despatch from Vienna, by which it appears that the Emperor has accepted our note, and is ready to receive the Turkish Ambassador as soon as it has been accepted by the Porte.

I think this settles the affair, unless it should be necessary to make your declaration to the Porte, which I so greatly admired. Ever yours truly, ABERDEEN.

F. O., August 25, 1853.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,-I enclose a copy of the telegraphic despatch just received from Constantinople, which realises our fears that the difficulty now would be more Turkish than Russian. . . . I have all along felt sure that Stratford would allow of no plan of settlement that did not originate with himself. Musurus has just been here, and was in despair when I told him that the note had not been accepted. He thinks his Government has committed CLARENDON.

a great mistake.-Your sincerely,

1 The present Lord Kimberley, then Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office.

DOWNING STREET, August 26, 1853.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,—I always expected some difficulties to arise at Constantinople, but those which have taken place are very vexatious. We received yesterday a telegraphic despatch from Lord Stratford of the 19th, in which he said that the Turks proposed to make some modifications of the note sent by the four powers for their acceptance, but he did not mention what they were. To-day we have a message from Lord Westmorland, who gives us the proposed alterations. . . . They are not of great importance; but, after what the Emperor has already done, I doubt if he will accept them. At all events, after his prompt acceptance of our note, and his ready agreement to the alterations made by the English Government in the interests of the Porte, it is clear that we have no right to ask him. It is just possible however, that for the sake of peace he may yield; and perhaps it may be right to make the attempt. Should it fail, we are bound to make the Turks agree to the terms we have prescribed, or to let them take their own course. -Ever most sincerely,

ABERDEEN.

The course which Lord Aberdeen thus suggested was not entirely in accordance with the opinion which Lord John had expressed, and to which the Prime Minister had assented. Instead of insisting on the Porte accepting the note as it was originally drawn, the Prime Minister was already hoping that Russia, for the sake of peace, might adopt Lord Stratford's modifications. And this distinction, slight as it seemed at the time, was pregnant with mighty consequences. For it soon became plain to Lord John that, however possible it might have been to insist upon the note without modification, it was impossible to do so after the English Government had once pressed those modifications on Russia. The Ministry ought therefore to have persevered with the policy on which Lord John had himself insisted in the preceding month, and which, singularly enough, in his later years, when his memory had partially failed, he thought that he had continued to urge.1

1 See the curious correspondence between Lord John and Sir A. Gordon, published originally in the Times, and republished in Kinglake's History of the Crimean War, vol. i. Appendix.

It is certain, however, that at the time he thought differently. He wrote to Lord Clarendon on August 27

Your letter and Lord Aberdeen's on the Turkish question are very unsatisfactory. The Turks are immense fools not to snap at what has been offered them. But still I hope the Emperor of Russia will accept the modifications.

He added on the 29th

I think this Eastern question has got into as entangled a position as can well be. If we act against Russia, it seems a bad return for her last compliance. If against the Turk, it will be considered that we have given him false hopes and allowed him to fall a victim to our shabbiness. Add to this that a retreat re infecta from the Dardanelles will lower us in the sight of Europe, and we shall at the same time abandon our interests, which are bound up in the exclusion of Russia from the Dardanelles. I keep to my opinion that we ought to endeavour to gain the winter for further negotiation. But, if this cannot be done, I am for the Turk against the Russian.

On the following day (the 30th) he wrote to Lord Aberdeen

Hitherto we have shown great forbearance to Russia. It now becomes us to show a similar indulgence towards Turkey, when she becomes in her turn wilful and wrong-headed.

And he attached so much importance to the fresh crisis that he left Scotland and hurried up to London to consult those of his colleagues who were in town.

Upon his arrival in London Lord John laid a memorandum, dated September 3, before Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, and Lord Palmerston, who met him at the Foreign Office, dealing with what he called two questions of great importance.

The first is, supposing the Eastern question to be still unsettled, what is to be done respecting the fleets? The second is, supposing the Emperor of Russia not to agree to the altered note, what is to be the next step on our part?

The decision of the first point Lord John thought could be deferred for three weeks.