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ments be made more general and effective. These things being taken as proved [I propose] . . . to make the Secretary of State for War in fact what he is in name; to confine his duties to functions chiefly military; and to give him control over the Commander-in-Chief, Secretary at War, Board of Ordnance, and Commissariat, constituted as these departments at present are. For this purpose nearly the whole of the colonies 1 must be withdrawn from this department, for the load of business would be too great for any man unless this was done. If this was done, the Secretary of State for the War Department would be responsible for the efficiency of the army, for the lodging, clothing, feeding, and paying the army, for the disposition of the troops according to the exigencies of the public service.

Lord John, however, was not satisfied with making this large and comprehensive proposal for an improvement of the machinery. In writing to Lord Clarendon on the 25th of April, he said—

I am of opinion that this is the moment to press forward. I am therefore inclined to propose to the Cabinet on Friday— 1. That we should ask for 10,000 more men for the army, 5000 more for the navy, and embody 15,000 militia. On Saturday we may discuss our propositions to Sweden, including a subsidy.

2. As to Greece, I think 3000 men should be sent to Santa Maura or Corfu from here, to be disposed at Prevesa or Arta as garrisons; but not to scour the country for rebels.

Two days later, on the 27th, he wrote to Lord Aberdeen, and recommended that 5000 additional troops should be sent to Constantinople; that the French should be asked to send there as many men as they could spare; that the allied armies, thus reinforced, should be advanced to Schumla; that 3000 men should be sent to Prevesa; that the French should be requested to occupy Volo; that Sweden should be asked to join the alliance, and to furnish a force of 50,000 men in return for subsidies of £100,000 a month from both England and France; and finally, that 15,000 men of the militia should

1 Lord John explained later in his memorandum that he meant all the colonies except the Mediterranean colonies, which, as military posts, should remain under the Secretary of State for War.

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at once be embodied, while the Cabinet should consider in what manner such large expenses should be met.

These expenses, large as they may be, will probably be much less than the expenses of a protracted war. England, it has been said, cannot make a little war. However this may be, I am sure

she ought not to make a large war on a little scale.

Lord Aberdeen did not much relish the advice which was thus given to him. He was indeed ready to strengthen the allied forces, and to advance them towards the Danube; he had no great objection to the occupation of Prevesa and Volo, provided the garrisons were solely employed in the defence of those towns, and were not suffered to interfere with Grecian insurgents. But he disliked any arrangement with Sweden; he thought that any blow against Russia must be struck in the South and not in the North, and

For this reason, if I subsidised at all, I would much rather engage Austria to bring her 150,000 men into the field [i.e. into the Principalities], where we most want them, and where they would do much to bring the whole affair to a successful termination.

There was evidently a wide difference between Lord John and Lord Aberdeen on the measures to be taken. Lord Aberdeen, moreover, took no steps for effecting the proposed alterations in the machinery. On May 5, Lord John wrote again :

I do not find that you mentioned to the Cabinet on Wednesday night the proposed plan for the division of the War and Colonial Departments. I do not know, therefore, how to answer Mr. Rich to-night. It is impossible for me to defend the present system, and equally impossible for me to say, as the organ of the Government, that a better will be adopted.

It is now time that I should answer you respecting the personal part of the question.1

I think the time has arrived when I ought either to take office or to cease to be a member of your Government.

1 It is evident from what follows that Lord Aberdeen had proposed to Lord John that on the separation of the Colonial Office from the War Office Lord John should take one of the two departments.

Had I full confidence in the Administration, of which you are the head, I should not scruple to take office under you.

But the late meetings of the Cabinet have shown so much indecision, and there is so much reluctance to adopt those measures which would force the Emperor of Russia to consent to a speedy peace, that I can feel no such confidence.

Indeed, the sooner I can be relieved from my share of the responsibility the better.

Still Lord Aberdeen did nothing. He was, perhaps, partly hampered by the knowledge that the scheme of Lord John tended to place the army more directly under the control of Parliament, and was in consequence eminently distasteful in the highest quarters.

On May 10, Lord John wrote to Lord Clarendon

Having read the letters relating to the East, I must impress upon you to urge the adoption of the Emperor Napoleon's views relating to Sweden. It is our fate never to adopt an onward movement from within; but, when it comes from France, we submit to do what is right and politic.

Two days later he wrote again

I see from Stratford's and Wyse's letters that they deprecate the foolish policy adopted by Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet of asking Austria to put down the Greek insurrection, and not appearing ourselves. However, Napoleon has dispersed that, together with other whimsies. The great want of all is a head of the English Cabinet. If a head could be found, all might be well; but I cannot imagine how we can go on any longer without any head at all.

Following up these letters, on May 20, Lord John circulated a fresh memorandum in the Cabinet formally proposing the separation of the War Department from the Colonial Office and the subsidising of Sweden. The Cabinet unanimously adopted the first of these recommendations. With the ex

ception of Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and Mr. Sidney Herbert, no member of the Cabinet thoroughly approved of the second of them. It was necessarily abandoned, and Lord John thought that with this abandonment one chance of

ending the war rapidly was lost. Thus thinking he wrote the following letter:

PEMBROKE LODGE: May 28, 1854.

MY DEAR LANSDOWNE,—As I consented to serve under Lord Aberdeen at your recommendation, I wish to submit to you my views and impressions at the present moment.

These views and impressions are derived, however, not from any transient feeling, but from a long observation of the course of the Government.

It seems to me that the presence of many able men in the Cabinet only tends to discordance of opinion and indecision ; that no question is put before us in a shape to bring out a definite result.

In a time of peace and ease this position might be tolerable; but I do not think that in a time of war, and that a war of the greatest importance, it can be consistent with the interests of the country. The Government, in fact, wants direction; and, in wanting direction, wants everything that is essential.

The recent deliberations upon the policy to be pursued in reference to Sweden, Austria, and Greece afford abundant illustrations of what I say.

Two courses are open to me. One, to leave the Cabinet on the grounds I have stated. The other to bring forward some master proposition, upon which to stake my continuance as a member of the Government.

If the latter course is in your opinion the best, I would propose to bring the matter to an issue by recommending a clear understanding with Austria as to her objects and intentions. If they agree with ours we should proceed to state that we are ready to guarantee a new loan, or to advance a grant of money, for the purposes of the war.

Which do you advise? One of the two courses I must adopt.— Yours faithfully, J. RUSSELL.

It so happened that events helped to settle the matter. On the day on which this letter was written Mr. Drummond asked a question in the House of Commons as to the proposed organisation of the War Office; and the temper of the House was so clearly in favour of a change that the time for making it had evidently come. On the following morning Lord John suggested to Lord Aberdeen three courses: (1)

that the Duke of Newcastle should remain Secretary of State for War, and that Sir George Grey should enter the Cabinet as Colonial Minister; (2) that the Duke should take the Home Office, Lord Palmerston the War Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office; or (3) that the Duke should take the Colonial Office, Lord Palmerston the War Office, and Sir George Grey the Home Office. He addedWith regard to my

I rather think this arrangement the best. self, let me go on at present as I am. Lord Aberdeen at once replied

ARGYLL HOUSE: May 30, 1854.

I saw the Duke of Newcastle this morning, after receiving your letter, and obtained his full concurrence in the proposed change. With respect to the personal part of the affair . . . I think it would be unjust to the Duke, under present circumstances, to remove him from the War Department. Your suggestion of Sir George Grey for the Colonies would be perfectly welcome to me if it were not for the hope of your reverting to your original intention of taking that department. It was from the great advantage to be derived by the Government from your occupation of the office, as well as the improvement of your own position, which made every one look at the division of the Colonial Office with so much satisfaction. It will be indeed a great disappointment if you should persevere in abandoning this intention. But the fact of the division of the office I consider as being now finally settled.

Writing on the following day, Lord John concurred that 'it would be unjust to the Duke of Newcastle, under present circumstances, to remove him from the War Department if he preferred to retain that office.' At Lord Aberdeen's request he saw Sir George Grey. Sir George himself put in writing the substance of his conversation with Lord John :--

In order to prevent any misapprehension, I think I had better state in writing the substance of what I said to you in conversation to-day. I entirely concur in the opinion that it is very desirable that you should take some office. I think it will strengthen the Government and improve your position in the House of Commons. I further think that, if the Duke of Newcastle is to hold the office of Secretary of State for War, the best arrangement would be that

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