of Commons. It seems to me, that, if a Liberal Ministry is to be formed, power ought to be divided on fair and equal terms― that is, if he (Palmerston) is Prime Minister, I should lead in the Commons; if I were to be Prime Minister, he ought to lead in the House of Commons. In either case the nomination to Cabinet

offices ought to be concerted between us. I have already told you my views on this subject. Of course we should have a full explanation upon Reform and foreign affairs, but I do not anticipate much difference of opinion upon either subject. If, however, on the first point of the leadership we could not agree, there would at once be an end of the negotiation. So likewise if there was a difference which was incurable on any other vital point.—I remain, yours faithfully, J. RUSSELL.

This letter had the effect, which it was intended to produce, of bringing Lord Palmerston and Lord John into communication; but it did not lead to any immediate arrangement. Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Granville

94 PICCADILLY: May 29, 1859.

MY DEAR GRANVILLE,—I have been reflecting upon what you said to me to-day, and I feel, as you do, that it is important that an end should be put to the notion, which has been so inadvertently spread among the Liberals, that there are jealousies and illfeelings between John Russell and me which would prevent the formation of a Liberal Government in the event of an overthrow of the present Administration; and I concur with you that the most effectual way of removing that impression would be that an agreement should be come to between John Russell and me that we would both of us become members of any Government either he or I might be called upon by the Queen to form, and you are at liberty to propose this arrangement to him.

Of course such an arrangement would not apply to the case of any other person being commissioned by the Queen to form an Administration. In such a case John Russell and I would hold ourselves free to take such course as we might each of us think proper. Yours, &c., PALMERSTON.

Lord Granville forwarded this letter to Lord John, who replied

MY DEAR GRANVILLE,—I have considered the letter of which you give me a copy, and have come to the following conclusions:

first, that, however important it is to put an end to the notion that there are jealousies and ill-feelings between Palmerston and me which would prevent the formation of a Liberal Government, it would not be right that either of us should surrender his liberty of action in a way that might lead to public injury or a breach of agreement.

Second, an agreement that we would both of us become members of any Government which, on the overthrow of the present Government, either he or I might be called upon to form, does appear to me to hamper most inconveniently our separate liberty of action.

Though Lord Palmerston's overture led to no direct agreement, the correspondence indirectly led to a removal of differences. During the next few days a meeting of the Liberal party was held which was summoned in the joint names of Lord Palmerston and Lord John; and, though nothing was definitely settled, the suggestion which Lord Palmerston had made was practically adopted.

The Queen was not ignorant of the negotiations which had. taken place between Lord Palmerston and Lord John. She was aware that the somewhat delicate task of awarding the apple of supremacy to one of the two claimants had been referred to her; and, after the final defeat of Lord Derby's Administration on June 11, she not unnaturally attempted to evade the difficulty by asking both statesmen to serve under a neutral peer, Lord Granville. Lord Palmerston at once assented to the suggestion; Lord John, in assenting to it, stipulated that he should lead the House of Commons. It then at once became apparent that Lord Palmerston had made in his own mind, though he had not expressed, the same reservation as Lord John. Yet, with the strange inability to appreciate Lord John's motives which characterises his work, Sir Theodore Martin has nothing but praise for Lord Palmerston, and nothing but blame for Lord John. To an ordinary intellect it is difficult to see why Lord John any more than Lord Palmerston could be expected to forego the lead. If Lord Palmerston had led the Liberal party for the last four years, Lord John had led it for the preceding twenty. The correspondence, however, will tell the story:

Private]

BRUTON STREET: June 11, 1859.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,-I saw Lord Palmerston again after my conversation with you. I informed him that you had in a very kind and friendly manner stated that you had no objection to serve under me, but that you considered that you could not do justice to your political views, if you were not Prime Minister, unless you occupied the same post as that which you held under Lord Melbourne; that you doubted whether you should have any confidence in any other occupier of the Foreign Office, excepting Lord Palmerston. Lord P. told me that if he had been sent for by the Queen he should not have thought it right to alter his position by going to the House of Lords; that, if you had been sent for, he should not have required you to do so as a condition of his serving under you; and that, serving under a third person, he could not consent to abandon the position which he now held. I have seen Milner Gibson, who considers it a sine qua non that you and Palmerston should both be in the Government; that either of you below the gangway would be fatal to the Government; that he would prefer you as leader of the House of Commons; but that he is ready to acquiesce in any arrangement with which you are satisfied. Gladstone, Herbert, and Lewis believe your joining to be of the greatest importance, but are of opinion that a Government must be formed or the Liberal party will be disgraced. How this is now to be contrived I do not know. I should be much obliged to you to let me know immediately whether your answer of this evening is final, as it is not fair to the Queen that she should not know as soon as possible whether I continue or give up the attempt. I must thank you again for your great personal kindness towards myself. Yours sincerely, GRANVILLE.

Lord John replied

PEMBROKE LODGE, RICHMOND: June 12, 1859. MY DEAR GRANVILLE,—I thought I had made an answer to your proposition which you could submit to the Queen.

I have no difficulty in repeating that, while I feel deeply her Majesty's great personal kindness towards myself, I cannot accept your proposal.

What has passed between you and Palmerston, however, appears to me to free the position from some difficulties.

It is clear that if I were to form a Ministry I should have the assistance of Lord Palmerston. On the other hand, if he is to form a Ministry, I should expect him to propose to me any office

I might choose (omitting, of course, his own) with the option of going to the House of Lords or remaining in the House of Commons under him.

That proposition on the grounds of fairness and equality I am prepared to accept. I hope I have made myself clear. With Palmerston I could only have to consider who is to have the first and who the second office in the State. With you I could only occupy the third, and should not feel that I had sufficient security either on foreign affairs or on Reform.

I am afraid her Majesty must encounter the difficulty of making a choice. But I do not think either Lord Palmerston or I should be inclined to do otherwise than submit with respect and loyal duty to her Majesty's decision.

I am glad you feel that I mean no personal unkindness to you. My resolution, however, as to your proposal is final. I remain, ever yours very truly, J. RUSSELL.

Lord Granville, on receiving this letter, at once resigned the commission which the Queen had entrusted to him, and the Queen sent for Lord Palmerston.

94 PICCADILLY: June 12, 1859.

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,-Granville having given up his commission to form a Government, the Queen sent for me this afternoon and has desired me to undertake the duty. I shall drive down to Pembroke Lodge as soon as I have dined in order to request your assistance, and to ask what office you would like to hold. Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

The Queen's decision settled the question. The apple of supremacy had been definitely awarded; and, in the interests, both of his party and of his country, Lord John at once determined to accept office. He simply stipulated that he should receive the seals of Foreign Secretary.1 Both the Queen and Lord Palmerston would have preferred Lord Clarendon's appointment to that office, and Lord Clarendon's friends were inclined to complain that Lord John should not have given way to him. It is difficult to deal seriously with such a contention. Those indeed must have had a low opinion of Lord

1 He told Lord Palmerston on June 16 that the importance of European affairs at this moment is my temptation and justification.'

John's services and claims who could have imagined that the man who had led the Liberal party for twenty years, and who was waiving his own claims in deference to the public interests, had not a right to insist on any office he thought proper to select. But, as a matter of fact, he had not only the right, but he would have been guilty of extraordinary folly if he had acted otherwise; for the question of the hour was the question of Italy, and on that subject Lord John not merely felt strongly, but he differed from Lord Clarendon. Lord John, therefore, had no course but to take the Foreign Office himself, or to risk the renewal of the dissensions which had weakened and discredited the Aberdeen Administration. He insisted, therefore, on receiving the seals of the Foreign Office, and to this decision may be attributed the fact that modern Italy acknowledges that she owes more to the moral support which she received from this country than to the material support of the third Napoleon.