faith, of setting aside the solemn compacts which we have made, and of dissolving the Union and covering the land with blood. Such a speech, addressed to the sober, candid, law-loving, peace-loving, covenant-keeping freemen of our country, threatens much, no doubt, to the cause of the violent. Such Paixhan guns as he brings into the contest, threaten demolition to the tottering walls and brick-built citadels. No wonder they look with concern upon the issue of the contest; and of course, no wonder that he should become the object with some of impassioned, and with others of embittered, attack. All this is easily explained. But why, in my peaceful retirement from the world, in my inaction and quietude as to politics, and while I am standing on the verge of the grave with one foot already in it —why I should have become, all at once, such a target to be fired at seems to me somewhat inexplicable. Whom have I harmed? And who can expect any harm from me, in such a condition? However, straws (they say) show which way the wind blows. So an experience like mine shows the violence of party spirit that is abroad. In such of our journals as are published for the canaille, and well adapted moreover to gratify their taste, all this perhaps might be expected. But to find such violence in many of our religious papers, even in some which are among those of the first rank, this is an indication of a day approaching, which may be like that seen in vision by the Hebrew prophet, "a day of darkness and gloominess, a day of clouds and thick darkness, a day of trouble and distress, a day of wasting and of desolation." If my feeble hand can be employed in even giving a signal for halting a little time, until we can survey the ground more effectually before we hasten on in our forced march, yea, even for deliberating whether the present direction of our march had not better be abandoned, at least for a while

then my poor remnant of life will not have been spared in vain. Such then, as I have shown above, is the state of things in which I undertake to speak a word of caution, well meant, although it may not perhaps be well spoken. If I look merely at the commo... tion which seems to surround me, I almost believe that I might be pardoned, if I should feel somewhat as the trident-god did, when he was called away from his quiet resting place in the depths of his watery domain, by the heavings of the ocean and the booming and dashing of its waves above, which had been lashed into fury and elevated to the skies, by the tornados that Eolus had let loose, with

out the knowledge or consent of his Neptunian majesty. When the monarch raised his head above the surface of the deep, and saw its commotion, and the Trojan fleet like things of cork upon it, his first feeling was indignation; his second and better thought was, that he must, without delay, calm the raging element.

Quos ego-sed praestat componere fluctus.

If my first feeling was like his, it was very soon succeeded by the better second thought. I have no power indeed, such as Virgil attributes to Neptune, to calm the raging billows; but if I can pour even a little oil upon them, it may possibly be reckoned as a contribution of my mite, toward smoothing down their angry crests.

Let me, once for all, before I advance to the main objects that I have in view, here make a frank statement of my feelings in regard to a large class of men, who entertain views different from, and in some respects opposed to my own. Those who belong to this class, are not all of the like character; and therefore they should not in any way, either directly or by implication, be amalgamated together. I have already excepted one excellent journal and its editors, and stated my reason for making any reference or appeal to it. That its editors are high-minded Christian men, I cannot doubt. As little can I doubt that great numbers of the so-called Free Soil party are men of intelligence, of patriotism, and of integrity. They appear to me, to be adorned with every civil and social virtue. All this I most cheerfully concede and believe. Many of them, also, are men of exemplary Christian lives. Some of them, moreover, as we know from the developments which they have made, are men, whose eloquence can charm not only the mass of our citizens, but hold in breathless suspense our Senates and our Houses of Representatives. Not to go beyond the boundaries of our own Massachusetts, I have the pleasure of some personal acquaintance with a number of Free Soilers, who adorn private life by their virtues, and public life by their learning, their talents, and their eloquence. Nay, I could, if it were decorous, readily point to this man and that among them, and say with all my heart: I nostrum decus! Of such men I can fully believe, that their aim is good; that their principles (as to main positions) are humane, patriotic, becoming high-souled freemen. I believe those principles, bating some excesses to which excited feeling has carried them, are such as meet the approbation of a

tribunal higher than an earthly one can be. But in matters of exciting moment, where great and humane objects are sincerely believed to be at stake, it often happens, even to spirits of the nobler order, to become excited beyond the bounds of moderation and sober wisdom. I do not call this crime, in such men. I might almost say, that it is the fault, or rather the infirmity, of excessive virtue. But still, if the means which they employ to carry their cause through with success, are lacking in prudence, in sober foresight, in moderation, in justice, and in comity to opponents- then the public suffer far more from these distinguished and excellent men, than they would from all the efforts of the Ledru Rollins and the Red Caps who are in the midst of us. On the yeomanry of Massachusetts, at all events, Parisian Socialism and Parisian Liberty and Equality, are not likely to make much permanent impression. If the people of this State are in the end misled, it must be by men whose lives and talents have given them a commanding influence. Hence it is that I have ventured on the declaration, that when such men fall into excess of zeal, and lead the way to measures correspondent with this and indicative of it, the community suffer far more than they would be liable to suffer, from the excesses of all those who live on excitement, and are never gratified so much, as when they can allure or drive others into the like condition.

I have thus done, as I trust, the justice due to a large class of men among us. If at any time, in the hurry or excitement of writing, I should let drop one word that would seem to disagree with what I have now expressed, let such of my fellow-citizens as may be implicated in my remarks, draw their pen over that word, and be assured that it comes from inadvertence and not from design.

I wish I could speak in a similar tone of another class among us, who seem to be kindred spirits with the Liberty-men of Paris. I refer of course to such, and to the like of them, as have deluged me with the gall that I have. briefly described in the pages above. What there is in all this, which is manly, patriotic, just, profitable, or decent, I am not able to see. By their fruits, at all events, they may be known, and by these they must expect to be judged. It would ill become me to occupy much time or paper with them. Such men, if I rightly judge, have little or nothing to lose, by a breaking up of the Union. No change can be much for the worse, so far as they are concerned; and the chance, as they believe, is,

that change may in some way present a better opportunity to help bring in Socialism upon us. When property (to use the language of their transatlantic coadjutor) becomes a crime, and equal division is made of the whole, then they may have "high life below stairs," as well as others can now have high life above stairs. If they will promise me now to keep their temper, I will tell them a short story, and then, wishing them better views and better feelings and more civility, I will bid them, for the present, a hearty adieu.

The story is this. In Jefferson-times, when party spirit was higher, if possible, than it now is, the inhabitants of New Haven, in Connecticut, where I then lived, were as a mass strong Federalists. As soon as Mr. Jefferson was fairly seated on his throne, and had got a Senate, a House of Representatives, and a Cabinet, obedient and entirely subservient to his will, he displaced a Collector of the Customs at New Haven, appointed by Washington, (a man of great integrity and distinguished ability for business, and then enjoying the highest confidence of his fellow citizens), and appointed in his room a gentleman above eighty years of age, a man indeed of unblemished character, but unfortunately the father of a real Jacobinic son. This son had been at Paris during the reign of terror, and, like Thomas Paine, with whom he sympathized both in religion and in politics, did all he could to aid the Mountain party. It was believed, of course, that he was the real appointee; and this was soon confirmed by his open appointment at his father's death. No man could have been more obnoxious to New Haven, at that period, than the son in question. The commotion of course was very great. Soon after the appointment in question came the Fourth of July. It was celebrated with a mixture of enthusiasm and of indignation. At the dinner which followed the exercises of the day, where some hundreds were seated at the table, an aged merchant of the town, a shrewd man and a high Federalist, was called on for a volunteer toast. He rose instantly and gave one thus: "Our New Collector, A. B.! When the political pot boils, the scum is sure to come to the top." 'Sed

paullo majora canamus.' I come now merely to mention further, that from some respected and cherished friends, I have received letters, stating their doubts and perplexities on the present agitated questions, and requesting me to point out, if I could, some way of Christian politics, in which they might conscientiously pro

ceed. The tone of respect and kindness which pervaded these letters, induced me to give some special attention to the subject of a Christian examination. My undertaking was further stimulated, by other letters of a similar tenor; and these assured me, that the writers of them knew many serious and conscientious persons, who were in the same predicament with themselves, and would be greatly relieved if the path of Christian duty could be pointed out. After some examination of the matter as an affair concerned with Christianity, I became so far satisfied in my own mind, that I could not well doubt for myself. When we get into this state, after a serious effort in the way of examination, we are apt to feel that what convinces ourselves, may perhaps help to convince others. The subject gradually grew upon me, until I finally concluded that I would make the attempt to communicate my views, provided no serious obstacle should be found in the way, and if I should continue to be in such a state, that I could perform the labor necessary.

My next step was, to see that Mr. Webster should be consulted on the question, whether he would have any objections to my canvassing his speech. I did this through the medium of a friend; for between Mr. Webster and myself no communications had yet passed. That friend gave him my letter, on his coming to Boston. The reason why I took pains to get Mr. Webster's views, was, on my part, a regard to delicacy and respect, and not for the sake of forming my own opinions, which had already been formed. The letter of mine, that was put into his hand, stated merely that my special design was, if he concurred, to take a Christian view of the agitated questions. In answer to my letter, Mr. Webster sent me the following communication, which, with his consent, I shall here subjoin, premising merely, that I should have omitted the first paragraph, had it not been a plain case, from the temper of the times, that any omission would be supposed by some readers, to have been filled up with matter which it would not do to publish, and which some might guess was very different from what Mr. Webster has actually written. If I be amenable at the bar of delicacy, for publishing a paragraph expressive of kindness and regard to myself, I hope to obtain a pardon, in case of condemnation, for the reason already stated. Here is the letter:

2*