the observance of those treaties which had been so often violated, and expressed a hope that the Central Government would, from the information which had been given to Prince Kung, exercise a just control over the acts of the local Governments.

Lord Ellenborough entirely agreed with what had fallen from Lord Grey, as he thought we had acted with great injustice towards China, and, on account of recent barbarities committed by the Chinese, should probably act with much more. Was, he asked, this fourth campaign of Sir J. Bowring's war finished? The few troops we had left at Tien-tsin would, from their paucity, provoke an attack, and, if attacked, of course, there would be another war. In regard to the article of the treaty on the emigration of coolies, he attacked its injustice and doubted its policy. It had identified us with other foreigners formerly mixed up in this odious traffic, and obtained for us the title of "man stealers." He looked upon the expedition up the Yang-tse as the best means for restoring strength and stability to the Chinese empire, because by exploring that river we should be brought into collision with the rebels, and in consequence should do our best to put them down, and so open up the trade which they were now obstructing.

After some remarks from Lord Grey in reply, the motion, which was for the production of certain papers, was agreed to.

Another question of foreign policy which became the subject of Parliamentary discussion was, the occupation of Syria by the French force, which had taken

place pursuant to a convention with the British Government in consequence of the calamitous events in that country, of which an account has been given in a former volume of this work. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe proposed the following resolutions to the House of Lords on this subject on the 10th of May :

"1. That the House would view with deep regret any circumstances leading to a continuance, however brief, of the occupation of Syria by foreign troops beyond the 5th of June next ensuing, the period now fixed for their complete withdrawal by the Convention agreed to at Paris on the 15th of March; 2. That the House considers the late calamitous events in Syria as not to be attributed to causes exclusively local, but also, and chiefly, to the general state of the Turkish empire, more especially in point of revenue and administration; 3. That the House is deeply impressed with the urgency of obtaining from the Ottoman Porte a prompt adoption and strict enforcement of such measures as may best afford, in the spirit of the Sultan's Hatti-humayoun of 1856, a reliable security against the recurrence, from any cause whatever, of those sanguinary conflicts."

In supporting these resolutions, the noble lord expressed his conviction that France would not hesitate to withdraw her troops according to agreement, but, at the same time, he thought it highly expedient that the policy of Her Majesty's Government should be supported by the voice of Parliament, in order that no change might take place with regard to the period

of occupation. The presence of a foreign army, he contended, was not now necessary in Syria for the tranquillity of the country, and, by holding military possession of the key of Egypt, was incompatible with European interests. Having briefly entered into the causes of the massacres, which were not so much of local origin as due to the general maladministration of the Turkish empire, and especially to the embarrassed state of its finances, he pressed upon the House the necessity of affording to Turkey all the assistance, moral or otherwise, which the interests of the country would allow, and thought the Government ought to urge her to carry out the reforms she had promised.

considered

Lord Wodehouse that it would be very inexpedient to pass the first resolution, as it was one which seemed somewhat discourteous to France, who had already expressed her intention of withdrawing her forces from Syria. He could not agree with the second resolution, as, in his opinion, the events in question were principally due to local causes, although it could not be denied that the Turkish administration was in some respects open to censure. In regard to the third resolution, Turkey was not deficient in good laws, but in an efficient executive; and it would be the object of Her Majesty's Government, by judicious advice, to press upon that country the necessity of introducing reforms, especially in finance.

The Marquis of Clanricarde stated his belief in the sincerity of the French Government's intention to withdraw their troops from Syria, but he was convinced

that the only assistance which would be serviceable to the Turkish Government was a loan, and he trusted that no Minister would propose such a thing at the present time. The weak point of Turkey was her want of money.

Earl Grey thought that the present ill-condition of Turkey was due to her bad Government, and the constant interference of the great Powers in her internal affairs for the last 30 years. He objected to the resolutions, because he thought their real meaning was assistance to Turkey.

Lord Granville having appealed to Lord Stratford to withdraw his resolutions as no practical good would result from their adoption, they were accordingly withdrawn.

On the same evening Sir James Ferguson brought the affairs of Syria under the consideration of the House of Commons. He asked whether Her Majesty's Government intended to urge the adoption of the plan of Her Majesty's Commissioner for the government of Syria upon the Sublime Porte, and moved for a copy of the final recommendations of the International Commission for the future government of the Lebanon. He accompanied the motion by a copious exposition of the Syrian question, and of his view of the policy of France regarding Syria, which, he contended, had been most detrimental to the good government of the country; the object being, he said, to encourage it to lean upon France. He discussed various suggestions, including the plan of the International Commission, for settle ment of the affairs of the Lebanon, so as to reconcile the interests of

Druses, Maronites, and Greeks, and indicated the course which he thought England ought to pursue.

Lord J. Russell stated the present position of affairs in Syria and the views of Her Majesty's Government of the best solution of the difficult question as to the head of the Government of the Lebanon, respecting which differences of opinion had existed among the Commissioners, whose final report had been forwarded to Constantinople. He hoped, he said, that means might be found to improve the condition of the people of the Lebanon. There was this difficulty, that the Russian Government considered itself bound to take under its special protection the subjects of Turkey belonging to the Greek Church, while the French Government patronized the Roman Catholic subjects. The object of Her Majesty's Government was to secure good government to all without distinction. With regard to the evacuation of Syria by the French troops, he had, he said, every reason to rely upon the good faith of the Emperor of the French. It was not in his power to produce the papers moved for.

Mr. Layard urged that, if it was desired that Syria should be well governed, the responsibility should be left to the Porte, since if any other plan were taken up and it should fail, no one would be answerable. He denied that there was any systematic oppression of the Christians by the Turkish authorities.

Mr. Monsell differed from Mr. Layard, whose position, he said,

was inconsistent with the honour and good faith of this country. Lord Dufferin had said that the Marionites and Druses could live in perfect harmony, if left alone. It was the Turks who were to be controlled, and the French troops ought not to be removed from Syria till some improved system of Government had been introduced.

Mr. Freeland laid all the blame of the late unhappy events in Syria upon the Ottoman Government.

Late in the session Lord Stratford de Redcliffe again brought the condition of Turkey under discussion in the House of Lords, by a motion for papers relative to the financial and administrative reforms introduced since the late Sultan's Hatti-humayoun in 1856 The noble lord prefaced his motion by vindicating the policy of this country towards Turkey during the reign. of the late Sultan against some remarks of Lord Hardwicke in a recent debate. It was of the greatest importance, he considered, to England, in a commercial point of view, that the reforms so often promised should be duly carried out, while politically the preservation of the Turkish Empire, which had been a matter of solicitude for more than two centuries to this country, depended upon a thorough Administrative Reform. Recent accounts from Turkey justified the idea that the present Sultan, by his acts and proclamations, was fully alive to the importance of economical reform. In spite of the admitted danger to which the Turkish Empire was exposed from a long-continued system of

mal-administration, he contended that Turkey had exhibited decided progress, to an extent fully to justify the policy of England. In order, however, to carry out the reforms which had been promised, there must be a steady, friendly, but sufficient pressure upon the Turkish Government. In addition to these reasons for supporting our old policy in Turkey, we were bound by every principle of honour to give her our full and vigorous support in case of need, and to help her to carry out the reforms which she had undertaken.

Lord Wodehouse said that, considering the recent change in the reigning Sovereign of Turkey, and the declaration of the Sultan that he was disposed to inaugurate his reign with salutary reforms, it would be better to wait and see whether the Sultan persevered in the course he had commenced, than for the British Government to deprive him of the credit which would be due to him by tendering unseasonable and premature advice. Judging from the actual measures of the new Sultan, it did not appear that he intended to confine himself to words. Already important economical changes had been made, and he thought it would be wiser to allow the subjects of the Sultan to understand that the reforms inaugurated were not pressed on him by foreign Powers, but were his own spontaneous acts. He would not object to the motion, if modified so as not to include the correspondence with the present Sultan.

Lord Hardwicke repeated his opinion that Turkey should be allowed to conduct her own af

fairs without the interference of foreign Powers, and expressed his pleasure at hearing the statement of Lord Wodehouse to that effect.

Recent events in Poland having revived the public interest and sympathy with that people, the feeling of the public found an organ in the Earl of Harrowby, who, in the latter part of July, brought forward a motion for an address to the Crown for copies of correspondence between our Government and those of Russia and other countries on the subject of Poland. The late transactions, he said, had caused people to ask whether the state of affairs in that unfortunate country were such as was contemplated by the Powers who signed the Treaty of Vienna, and the publication of the papers asked for might tend to check the tyranny which the Poles suffered under.

Lord Wodehouse, having adverted to the effect the extinction of Polish independence had had on the general position of European nations, and particularly of Germany, said he looked upon the recovery of Polish independence as an impossibility, considering the overwhelming forces which could be brought against Poland by three powerful nations. The attitude of the Poles during the late events at Warsaw had shown great moderation, and gave promise of better days. Russia would doubtless, as liberal ideas progressed, give the Poles greater liberty of action, as well as those institutions to which they were entitled by the Treaty of Vienna. He had no objection to accede to the mo

tion, so far as the correspondence with Russia was concerned.

Lord Ellenborough, in an eloquent speceh, passed a high eulogium on the Poles for the patience and dignity with which they had borne their misfortunes at home and upheld the military reputation of their country abroad, and expressed at the same time his astonishment that Russia should not have done her utmost to conciliate so great and noble a people. It was for the interest of Russia to conciliate the Poles, for as long as they were discontented, the action of Russia was paralyzed in Central Europe-a circumstance almost as injurious to Europe as to Russia itself. How could Russia extricate herself from such a position? By a frank reconciliation, and by restoring to the Poles self-government. The principle which had led Naples, Lombardy, and Flanders to assist Charles V., the Hungarians to support Maria Theresa, and Hanover to aid England, had been self-government, and he thought the application of that principle to Poland would be attended with like results. It was not by keeping the people poor that quiet would be preserved in Poland, but by developing wealth, for poverty conspires, but wealth only asks for quiet. In conclusion, he hoped the Emperor of Russia would frankly offer his friendship to Poland, and that the Poles would receive such an offer with equal frankness.

Lord Malmesbury expressed his concurrence in the valuable advice given by Lord Ellenborough. If the Poles contrasted their present condition with that

of seven or eight years ago, he said, they had great reason to congratulate themselves. He hoped, however, that nothing said in that House would encourage them to attempt impossibilities.

After a few remarks from Lord Stratford de Redclyffe and the Marquis of Breadalbane, the motion, in a modified form, was agreed to.

The last topic of foreign policy which it will be necessary to notice in this chapter is the administration of the Ionian Islands, which was brought under consideration in the House of Commons on the 7th of May by Mr. Maguire. The hon. gentleman's motion was in form for the production of correspondence relating to the mission of Mr. Gladstone as Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary to those islands in 1858, and also to the subsequent administration of the Government by Sir Henry Storks, the existing High Commissioner. Mr. Maguire described in his speech the character of the Ionian people, their strong features of identity with the people of Continental Greece, and the intense sentiment of nationality, amounting to a passion, which had taken possession of the Ionian mind. He then adverted to the circumstances which had subjected the islands to the authority of Great Britain; to the government of Sir Henry Ward, which he taxed with severity; to the recommendation of Sir John Young, that the islands should be abandoned; and to the special mission of Mr. Gladstone, who was sent to inquire and report upon the state of affairs in the islands. He (Mr.