have assumed a more serious aspect; and, wishing to conciliate the requirements of a policy of neutrality with the first idea which induced him to procure for King Francis II. the means of a free departure, the Government of the Emperor has made itself the intermediary of a proposition of armistice, which has been acquiesced in by the two belligerent parties. Stopped de facto on the 8th of the present month, hostilities will remain suspended till the 19th of January; and it is also at that date that Vice-Admiral de Tinan will leave Gaeta."

On the 19th of January, the last French ship of war quitted Gaeta, which was now strictly blockaded by the Piedmontese Admiral, Persano. The siege still went on, and it was not until the 13th of February, that the garrison capitulated to General Cialdini. The King and Queen of Naples embarked on board a French steamer, and took up their abode at Rome.

When authentic intelligence of the fall of Gaeta reached the British Government, Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, wrote to the Neapolitan Minister at our Court, Chevalier de Fortunato, stating that he could no longer be accredited as the representative of the Government of the King of the Two Sicilies. He said in his note, "I will not on this occasion indulge in vain regret at the catastrophe which has befallen the Bourbon dynasty in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The British Government had long foreseen, and had repeatedly warned, not only King Francis II., but his immediate predecessor, of the dangers

they incurred by the policy they pursued."

On the 18th of February, the new Parliament of Italy met at Turin, in a large hall temporarily built of wood. The proceedings were opened by the King, Victor Emmanuel, who delivered the following speech:

"Gentlemen Senators, Gentlemen Deputies!

"Free, and nearly entirely united, by the wonderful aid of Divine Providence, the concordant will of the peoples, and the splendid valour of the armies, Italy confides in your virtue and wisdom.

"To you it pertains to give her common institutions and a firm foundation. In endowing with greater administrative freedom peoples that had various usages and institutions, you will take care that political unity, the aspiration of so many centuries, may never be diminished.

"The opinion of civilized nations is favourable to us; the just and liberal principles, now prevailing in the councils of Europe, are favourable to us. Italy herself, too, will become a guarantee of order and peace, and will once more be an efficacious instrument of universal civilization.

"The Emperor of the French, firmly upholding the maxim of non-intervention-a maxim eminently beneficial to us-nevertheless deemed it proper to recall his envoy. If this fact was a cause of grief to us, it did not change the sentiments of our gratitude nor our confidence in his affection to the Italian cause.

"France and Italy, having in common their origin, traditions,

legitimize the iniquity of so many facts.

"It would here be superfluous to recall the holiness of the possession of the patrimony of the Church and the right that the Supreme Pontiff has to it-an incontestable right, recognized at all times and by all Governments. Therefore is it that the Holy Father will never be able to recognize the title of King of Italy,' arrogated to himself by the King of Sardinia, because it is injurious to justice and to the sacred property of the Church. On the contrary, he makes the most ample and formal protest against such an usurpation."

The British Government, acting," to use Lord John Russell's words in a note addressed by him to the Marquis d'Azeglio, "on the principle of respecting the independence of the nations of Europe," at once recognized the new kingdom, and, after the delay of a few months, the French Government did the same, but declared that French troops would continue to occupy Rome as long as the interests which caused that occupation should not be protected by sufficient guarantees.

In announcing this to the Italian Chambers, Baron Ricesoli said:" There is at present no Ambassador of Italy at Paris, nor any French Ambassador at Turin. This part of our relations has not been settled, but will be so very shortly. As regards Rome, I can assure you that the Government has no intention of allowing the question to rest. It is too important for the Government not to incessantly occupy themselves with it. The Chamber will, however, un

derstand the gravity of the question, the difficulties of which must be overcome solely by way of negotiations with Napoleon, which are continually going on. I flatter myself that, in time, the period of which I certainly cannot fix, we shall arrive at such a result as will meet the best wishes of the nation. In the meantime, I can assure you that the recognition of Italy does not involve any condition nor any insult to our national rights."

The reason why Baron Ricasoli spoke in the name of the Italian Government on this occasion was that Count Cavour, the energetic, able, and devoted statesman, to whom Italy was so much indebted for her new-born independence, had died on the 6th of June, after a very short illness. He was born at Nice, in 1810, and therefore was in his fifty-second year. His mind wandered just before his death, and the last words he was heard to utter, showing that his thoughts were occupied with the difficulties attending the state of Naples, where reactionary attempts seriously disturbed the public tranquillity, were these:- No state of siege; I will have no state of siege; anybody can govern in a state of siege.' A greater calamity could hardly have befallen the nation than the loss of such a man at this juncture; for his was preeminently the genius that guided the destinies of the country. His death caused consternation in Italy, and the news was received with profound emotion throughout Europe. The new Administration was composed as follows: Premier and Foreign Secretary, Baron Ricasoli; Interior, S. Minghetti; Marine, Gen. Menabrea;

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Agriculture, S. Quintino Sella; Public Works, S. Peruzzi; Finance, S. Bastozi; Army, Gen. Della Rovere.

In addressing the Chamber as Prime Minister, Baron Ricasoli explained what would be the policy of the Cabinet, in a speech which was received with great applause. He said: "We hesitate not to affirm, that with the immense calamity which has just befallen us, there is none of us who has bent so low under the weight of this grief as to entertain any doubt of the destinies of his native land. The vast conception of that illustrious statesman whom we deplore has not died with him, but already, when he has descended to the tomb, it has become the life and soul of this entire nation. It shall now be our task to continue that undertaking, which by him, with a wise audacity, had been brought so nearly to its conclusion. In the face of Europe we ought to maintain and to contend for the right which Italy has to form and constitute herself. The force of public opinion, growing stronger every day; the wisdom of Governments and a perception of their own interests; the necessity which is generally felt of putting an end now to a state of things that is injurious to all and even dangerous to many; the benevolent assistance of allied Powers, to whom it is clear that a strong and united Italy is most necessary-these considerations make us confidently believe that Europe will not delay the final recognition of our rights. But whatever confidence of this sort we may cherish in our hearts, we feel that Italy ought to be prepared for any

event, and to hold herself ready on all occasions. The first care of the Government, thereforeor, rather, its first obligation— will be to continue with unwearied alacrity the preparation of the national armament. The outlay requisite for military equipments, and that which is requisite for the completion of those great public works to develope the economical resources of the nation, cannot be provided for by taxation. You will, therefore, be invited to pass a Bill authorizing the Government to contract a loan by which to meet the present emergencies. But whilst we thus have recourse to the public credit, we cannot and ought not to forget that it should be our aim to provide the means of restoring an equilibrium between revenue and expenditure, for such equilibrium is the chief basis of the credit of a State. This object may be attained in different ways. It may be done by introducing prudent and gradual measures of economy into the divers branches of the public administration; yet the effect of such measures cannot be immediately perceptible, since they must be dependent on the accompanying measures by which Parliament shall think fit to arrange the new administration of the kingdom. It would also be conducive to this object if you imposed a certain amount of increased taxation, distributing the public burdens more equitably over the country. The public revenue will, indeed, show a progressive increase, thanks to the effect of our new institutions and to those wise measures which have been adopted, and which Parliament will go on adopting,

on the proposal of Government. We shall wish to proceed as rapidly as possible with the governmental unification of Italy. Its legislative unification must be the work of Parliament itself. The administrative decentralization of the country must be chiefly carried out by establishing its communal and provincial franchises. But the late Ministry agreed with the Select Committee to whom was confided the examination of the projected administrative system, that it would not be possible, at this late period of the session, to vote upon those Bills; it was, however, determined that some provisions of urgent necessity should be presented to the Chamber, on whose discretion the Government relies to make them acceptable, for the interest of the populations concerned. I would say, finally, that it is to our constitution, and in its crowning statutes, that the Government will always look for the soundest safeguard of public order; and it will find, I am sure, the most solid foundation of its own authority in devotion to the constitution and in respect for the laws. For, indeed, it is by the laws, defining as they do the respective limits of governmental authority and of popular liberties, that we are assured of both; and hence we know that the rightful exercise of the former and the full development of the latter are equally useful and necessary for the happiness of the State. The Government will therefore maintain order, not as the negation of liberty, but as the guarantee of liberty, as the condition and reconcilement of all sorts of liberties; and this it will do with a firm and vigorous

hand. Gentlemen, these are the principal intentions of the Ministry, and its conduct will be guided by these views. Faithful to those great principles which you on so many solemn occasions have approved, we trust in your continued support of them, without which support, in a free State like this, it would be impossible to hold the Government with a safe mind. We trust in the good sense and patriotism of all the Italians; and we trust to them for that civil concord by which, in perilous and decisive moments, the fortunes of a nation are preserved."

Some time afterwards, in a subsequent debate, Baron Ricasoli alluded to the rumours that were in circulation relative to a further cession of territory to France, as the price of her recognition of the Kingdom of Italy, and he energetically denied that they were true. He said: "I have heard people talk about 'cession.' Allow me, Gentlemen, to scout, with all the disdain of my soul, the very word and thought of it. The King's Government-I repeat it the King's Government knows not of an inch of Italian land to be given up; not one inch will be given--not one inch must be given. What the King's Government sees is a territory to defend, a territory to recover. It sees Rome; it sees Venice! To the Eternal City and the Queen of the Adriatic it turns the thoughts, the hopes, and energies of the nation. The Government feels the heavy task that lies before it; with God's help it will fulfil it. Opportunity, matured by time, will open our way to Venice. In the meantime, we think of Rome.