hardly necessary for him to call the atten- liament. Suppose it should be considered tion of the House to the vast magnitude prudent not to negative amalgamation, but and importance of this subject, because it to place them under sound regulations, the must be fully apparent to every one who course of inquiry would naturally branch considered the matter, that if all these into three or four distinct heads. The amalgamations, or any of them, went on, first consideration would have relation to they would be laying the foundation for a the parties who sought the amalgamation, state of things which, at no very distant and what conditions should be imposed period, might bring the House to consider upon them to protect their several intewhether or not the whole locomotion of rests, because many of those companies the Kingdom should be allowed to pass who proposed to amalgamate stood upon a into the hands of one management. For by no means simple foundation, and before instance, some of the Bills related to the amalgamation was allowed to take groups of the same country, and if these place they ought to be required to congroups were allowed to be united, what solidate their laws, so that when all the was there to prevent these groups after- parties came to be married, they should wards joining again, and so proceeding have a better chance of knowing what on from step to step until you came to their respective interests would be, and have all the railways converted into one how they would be affected by amalgagreat concern? Now, in considering this mation. Another class of parties whose matter, the first practical question they interests would have to be considered were had to turn their attention to was, what the lessors of some of our great trunk was to become of these Bills when they lines of railway-a by no means insignifishould be sent by the ordinary process of cant or unimportant body. There were the House into those various Select Com- reversionary interests in these lessors which mittees whose duty it would be to examine may or may not be injured by amalgainto their merits? He thought all parties mation. But Parliament should take care would agree with him that it would be that their interests were properly looked hardly safe to refer each Bill to five Gen- after. A third class at present under the tlemen, without, in the first place, if it was Standing Orders of the House had no possible, establishing some general views locus standi before the Select Committees; which they should be required to take of he alluded to those parties who had an the whole subject. It should first be as- indirect interest in the questions of amalcertained whether it was possible that any gamation, such as canals and competing general rules or practical regulations could lines running parallel with the railways be laid down, either in the shape of Stand- proposed to be amalgamated and created ing Orders or otherwise, by which the into a monopoly. Care ought to be taken attention of these several Committees that those parties were properly representmight be drawn to the particular portion ed in the inquiry, and had their interests of each Bill, and upon which they should fairly dealt with. Passing then from them, be required, or not, according as it might we come to those parties who were said to be determined, to expresss an opinion or be more immediately concerned in this to call the attention of the House to each matter. He came to the larger and more particular point as it might arise in detail. important question of how the public inOf course, if the House agreed to appoint terest was to be guarded against any insuch a Committee as he recommended, the juries that were likely to result from these first matter for them to consider and de- amalgamations. Now of course in this termine upon was the preliminary question branch of the matter the first point that of whether these large amalgamations struck one was what measures should be should be sanctioned or not. Of course, it taken, or what were the proper regulations would naturally occur to hon. Members to be laid down to secure ample and legitiwhat power the railways had of effecting mate accommodation for the public from these amalgamations by arrangements con- those railways that proposed to amalgacluded without reference to that House, mate. It should be provided distinctly and it would be a question for them to that none of such railways, or any portion consider whether such an arrangement, of them, should be shut up against the over which they had no control, might not public, or kept only for private use. What press much more severely upon the public information it would be necessary for each than if they were made under the sanction Committee to be furnished with, on this and upon the conditions laid down by Par- branch of the subject, and what returns

regard to the appointment of this Committee; but there was another point which he had been requested to refer to. He had been asked to add the words, " And to consider the principles which ought to guide the House in Railway Bills and Amalgamations generally," to the Resolution; and certainly, so far as he himself was concerned, he could see no objection to the introduction of such words. Before he sat down, he must take the liberty of referring to one subject in connexion with railways upon which the public mind appeared to have been very much misinformed. It referred to the subject of accidents that occurred upon railways. There had been a general misapprehension abroad of late as to the number of accidents which had taken place this year. It was supposed that they had greatly increased; but certainly that was not the case. The different railway companies, according to law, were required to make a return to the Board of Trade of all accidents where any serious injury occurred to any person. No doubt the Returns did not comprise every accident that happened, because the term

the House should require such Company ways, in the event of the public interest to produce, would be one of the most im- rendering it necessary. He had now stated portant points upon which this preliminary the general views of the Government with Committee would have to report. The next question was with regard to tolls and fares. He should state that at the present moment, speaking generally, every railway in the kingdom was running within the maximum fares and tolls allowed by law, and that being so, of course where the parties came to ask for great privileges, it would be the duty of the Legislature to consider what additional terms ought to be secured for the benefit of the public. That question should be carefully looked into by the general Committee, and something should be done to ascertain what provision should be made against the tolls and fares being unfairly raised. And then the Committee would have to decide what course should be taken with reference to the general financial position of each party to the Bill. Another point was as to the general power of regulating railways, and this must also come under the Committee's consideration, who, however, could not judge of it without looking closely, not only into the powers already existing by law, but also into the way in which they had been exercised. As regarded the desirability of any Government control, there" serious injury" was a somewhat indewas, he thought, no question that any finite phrase, and there might be injuries such must be limited to this extent that which one man might call serious, while you should not in any way relieve the rail- another would not. It was very possible, way bodies of the responsibility of their too, that railway parties viewed a serious acts; that you should not carry it to such injury through a different medium to other a point as to run any risk of an interference people; but he had no reason whatever to which, under any pretence whatever, could think that the railway authorities had lookbe thought to relieve the railway bodies of ed at the cases this year in any different their responsibilities in carrying on their af- light than that which had guided them in fairs. At present no public body possessed former years, and therefore as far as a sufficient authority to protect the public comparison went, the returns this year against any possible inconvenience that were probably sufficiently accurate. He might arise from the creation in these found then that the number of accidents concerns of a greater system of mono- during the last three years arising from poly-he did not use the term invidiously causes beyond the control of the parties -or through a closer system of manage-injured, such as the engine running off the ment becoming the law of the land. He line, were in 1850, 117; in 1851, 122; was bound to admit that, on the whole, railway management had shown no disposition to exceed their powers, or unjustly to use them against the public; on the contrary, they carried them on in a manner which had secured the general advan-cies of traffic, out of which there was tage and benefit of the public; but still, without interfering with the responsibility which attached to each, he repeated that something was necessary to be done, to enable the Government to exercise a further control over the amalgamated rail

and in 1852, up to the 30th of November, 104; so that railway accidents had certainly not increased, but had rather diminished. There was at the same time a very great increase in that particular spe

strong reason to think some of these accidents arose, namely, excursion trains. In 1850 there were 334 excursion trains run, while in 1852, dating only up to the 30th September, the number rose to 671. He had thought it right to make this latter

statement to the House, because, as he had before observed, considerable misapprehension and very erroneous impressions existed in the public mind on the subject. Without a further statement at that late hour, he should conclude by moving for a Select Committee, for the purposes he had endeavoured to explain to the House.

Motion made, and Question proposed

"That a Select Committee be appointed to consider the principle of Amalgamation as applied to Railway, or Railway and Canal Bills, about to be brought under the consideration of Parliament, and to consider the principles which ought to guide the House in Railway Legislation."

come under the operation of the proposed Committee? If so, he should be satisfied; if not, he must himself press it upon the attention of the House.

MR. HUDSON said, he hoped that Parliament would not force upon companies the execution of schemes which must involve considerable loss. He trusted that the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would confine his Committee to the principles which he had laid down. They were extensive enough; indeed, he thought, far too extensive. Do not let them go into the question of abandoned railways, and call upon companies to complete worthless schemes. He was rather surprised to find the hon. Member opposite (Mr. Locke) proposing what he did.

MR. LOCKE begged to express his gratification at the observations of the right hon. Gentleman, with reference to the decrease of railway accidents, which he was sure the public would learn with great MR. LAING said, he was himself much satisfaction. He was also gratified at his interested in railways, and he begged to statement, that the Committee was not to thank the right hon. Gentleman the enter on the question of interference with President of the Board of Trade for this the management of railway boards, for he measure, as well as for the terms in was convinced that if the Government in which he had spoken of that muchany way lessened the responsibilities of the calumniated and rather unpopular class, directors, there would not be a likelihood the railway interest generally. These of a still greater decrease of accidents. If questions were of that importance that he understood the right hon. Gentleman made it desirable they should be invescorrectly, the Committee was to inquire tigated and settled as soon as possible, into the powers of railway companies, and on some sound and intelligible footing. also to inquire how far the powers allowed No persons were had been fulfilled. He would put this case:-A company came to Parliament, and asked for powers to complete a railway; these powers it allowed to expire, and after the lapse of a considerable time left the landowners and the country totally without the line they had expected. Such companies there were in Parliament this year, asking for other powers, whilst they had not executed those already granted them. That was a case requiring consideration. But he could instance a still stronger one. A railway company obtained from that House power to execute a railway of given length; after three or four years their funds became deficient; they determined to stop all further proceedings; they appointed a committee; that committee recommended them to go half way, and no further; the shareholders agreed. What, he asked, would be the disposition of Parliament with reference to such a company-a company which, having obtained powers on the supposition that it was to go the whole distance, fancied subsequently that it had a right to make merely a portion of the line? He wanted to know whether a case of that kind would

more anxious than railway directors for this, and he did hope that an effort would now be made to remedy the evils of railway legislation, and settle it on a sounder and better basis for the future. In 1844 a Select Committee was appointed, and the subject was investigated by them with great care. The principles embodied in their report had never been impugned; but those principles were swept away in the vortex of speculation which afterwards took place, and the consequence was, that we had now in round numbers 7,000 miles of railway, which had cost us 36,000l. per mile, equal to a sum of 250,000,000l. sterling. Look at the cost of railways in other countriesin France, for example-where, the price of iron and materials being higher, you might expect the cost of a railway to be greater even than in England; but it was, in fact, many thousands of pounds a mile less. He believed there was no more certain proposition than that the cost of anything, whether railway travelling, corn, or cotton, would in the long run be regulated by the prime cost of the article. If they, therefore, multiplied lines of railway where one would suffice, they incurred

the aid of the railways, in providing for the mail service of the country; and he wished to know how Bills about to be applied for in the present Session would be affected by the proposed Committee?

GENERAL ANSON said, he was glad that the purview of the Committee was to be so extended as to include every description of case which implied amalgamation, such as leases and arrangements; for he was now satisfied that the inquiry wonld be as extensive as he could wish it. He was convinced that the system under which we were at present proceeding, was extremely injurious to all those who had invested capital in these concerns.

MR. MANGLES trusted that the right hon. Gentleman would not rest satisfied with the Report of the Committee, but that he would adopt some final legislation on the subject,

MR. EVELYN DENISON said, he considered that competition afforded no real security as regarded the conduct of railway companies, and that, if these measures of amalgamation were sanctioned, competition would become a mere dead letter. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would propose this Committee as soon as possible, and that it would meet before the recess, so as to arrange their course of proceeding, and to give such intimations as they could to guide the different railway companies

ques

prove satisfac

NEW ULSTER AND THE NEW ZEALAND
COMPANY.

The DUKE of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Province of New Ulster, in New Zealand, urging on their Lordships' House the impolicy and injustice of burthening the revenues of the Colony for the losses sustained by the New Zealand Company. He was not going to trouble their Lordships by reading the petition, because it was probable that in some form or other the subject to which it related would again have to be discussed in the course of the present Session of Parliament; for he anticipated that, before long, the legislation of last Session, with reference to the colony of New Zealand, would elicit such remonstrances from the settlers on the subject of the claims of the New Zealand Company as would render it incumbent on their Lordships to raise the question in some shape or other. In New Ulster the New Zealand Company never purchased land at all, and their whole operations were calculated to inflict injury rather than advantage on the colonists.

MR. HENLEY said, it would be for the Committee carefully to consider the The EARL of DESART said, he rather tion thrown out by the hon. Member for wished to remove an impression which exEdinburgh (Mr. Cowan), which he regard-isted in that House, that the present Goed as a most important one. As soon as vernment had had anything to do with the the question of railway amalgamation legislation of which this petition complainshould be disposed of, he should endeavoured. The real fact was, that the only to lay down some definite rules of railway legislation which had fallen into the hands of the present Government relative to New management which should tory. He would only observe, with refer- Zealand was that contained in the imporence to some observations that had been tant Act of last Session giving a new conmade, that though under the system of stitution to that rising colony. When that this country hitherto railways had cost was under consideration, the Government more money, and we had perhaps had more made than was necessary, we had yet attained to a higher speed than was generally accessible on the Continent. With reference to the Committee, he should wish it to consist as little as possible of Members connected with the railway interest,

Motion agreed to.

The House adjourned at a quarter before Two o'clock.

VOL. CXXIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

did not think it a fit time to enter on a consideration of the conflicting interests of associations and colonists, but took all those interests precisely as they found them. They would, they thought, incur a serious responsibility if they failed to confer institutions on the colony which experience. showed were likely to prove beneficial.

The DUKE of NEWCASTLE said, he certainly could not allow the observations which had fallen from the noble Earl opposite to pass altogether unnoticed; because

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