men most respected by the society of which he is a member. He thinks it more probable that several able, and a large body of patriotic men, arguing from the same principles as himself, should form a right decision, than that he alone in the whole House of Commons should, from given general principles, have derived a true conclusion. He is, in short, a party man. Thus it is, that without any violation of conscience party is formed, and consolidated, and men acquire that kind of "esprit monacal” which, according to the remark of a very sagacious foreigner*, prevails in the political confederacies of England. Let us now proceed to the effects of party contests. Among the bad effects of party is to be reckoned the want of candour it necessarily produces. Few men can enter into the heat of political contention, backed by a body of friends, who animate and support each other, without attributing to their adversaries intentions and motives of which they are no more capable than themselves. * The Abbé Galiani. Another evil is, that men become unwilling to give way to the natural bent of their minds, when their opinions would lead them to admit any error upon which their adversaries have insisted, or might render them liable to reproach for weakness and inconsistency. Obstinacy in supporting wrong, because an admission of what was right and true would give a triumph to his adversary, has led many a minister of England into a course most injurious for the country. In attributing this evil to party, I by no means intend to lay upon the same cause the blame of the exaggeration which accompanies political discussion. Such exaggeration I believe to be inevitable. It is true, indeed, that every statesman has often occasion to weigh with some degree of doubt the reasons for or against a measure which he afterwards supports or opposes, with as much warmth and confidence, as if there could not be two opinions on the subject; but it does not follow that it would be right or useful to produce in public all the arguments which have gone through his mind before he came to a decision. What would be the effect, for instance, of the speech of a minister proposing an address in support of a new war, who should lay a stress upon the hazards it would be attended with, and the new burthens it must infallibly produce? Nothing, it is evident, but discouragement, and perhaps a disgraceful treaty. For the slightest words which a man lets fall in opposition to his ultimate opinion, are of more weight against that opinion than the strongest arguments he can use in its favour. Those who agree with him are all disheartened, and those who differ from him are all encouraged. Nor does this proceed from the factitious spirit of party, but from nature herself Human affairs are so constituted, that the truth scarcely ever lies entirely on one side; and the human mind is so formed, that it must either embrace one side only, or sink into inaction. Some Nor do I impute to party the corruption by which votes in Parliament are obtained. persons, I know, imagine that the minister has recourse to corruption only because it is necessary to strengthen himself against the Opposition. But it is evident that, in a free govern ment like ours, the ministers will always make use of the influence of money and patronage that is in their hands to procure themselves adherents. For a minister knows very well that he must have adherents. He cannot reasonably found his administration on the support which he may be able to obtain by his arguments in favour of each particular measure. Now of the two ways of procuring adherents, — the attachment of interest, and that of party,-party is by far the best. Many a man, I fear, would abandon his opinions, and fall off from his principles, for the sake of office, who yet will not desert a party to which he is engaged by passion and affection as well as by reason. Party, therefore, instead of being the cause of corrupt and undue influence, is often a substitute for it. Some, indeed, think it possible that the world may be governed by pure intention and the force of argument only. But it is well said by Mr. Wilberforce, when speaking of religion, "Man is not a being of mere intellect. Video meliora proboque; deteriora sequor, is a complaint which, alas! we might all of us daily utter. The slightest solicitation of appetite is often able to draw us to act in opposition to our clearest judgment, our highest interests, and most resolute determination." "These observations," proceeds the enlightened author, "hold equally in every instance according to its measure, wherein there is a call for laborious, painful, and continued exertions, from which we are likely to be deterred by obstacles, or seduced by the solicitation of pleasure. What, then, is to be done in the case of any such arduous and necessary undertaking? The answer is obvious: - You should endeavour not only to convince the understanding, but also to affect the heart; and for this end you must secure the reinforcement of the passions." * The good effects of party in this country are numerous and weighty. One of them is what I have just mentioned, that it gives a substance to the shadowy opinions of politicians, and attaches them permanently to steady and lasting principles. The true party man finds in his own mind certain general rules of Wilberforce's Practical View of Christianity, p. 60. |
