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with its penalties, and necessarily required indubitable proof. The House, however, was not precluded by the statute law from interfering in another manner, where it had evidence of the commission of acts of corruption, either by electors or the elected, and could proceed by bill, or could disfranchise the borough in which corruption was proved to prevail. These resolutions went, however, to all acts committed for eighteen months previous to the presentation of a petition; and any individual was thus at liberty, without expense or responsibility, to trouble and harrass any member of the House. It was true, to be sure, that a notice was to be sent to the borough, or place, twenty days before the petition was to be considered. But were the parties put upon an equal footing? Was it fair, that any person should be called upon to defend himself against an irresponsible individual? At the time that the Grenville act was introduced, any person could petition the House against a member's return, and what was the consequence? Why, that petitions were repeatedly presented, merely to entitle the petitioners to a seat under the gallery, until the decision upon their petition! That prac tice continued, until the resolutions were passed respecting such petitions as were declared to be frivolous and vexatious. These were the principal objections he had to the present resolutions, but he also had an objection to the House pledging itself to any specific measures. If the House would entertain all such petitions as were presented, no doubt num bers would be brought before them; and there certainly were parties enough who would tell hon. members they would put them

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to considerable expense, and say to them," It is better for you to buy me off than hazard the decision of a committee of the House of Commons!" He believed that the most innocent borough in the kingdom might thus be made an instrument of annoyance to its representative. Under the Grenville act, the decision of the committee was final; but, under these resolutions, there was to be a discussion and decision by the House, after the committee had reported their opinion. He could see no necessity for this complicated machinery merely to work out that for which the present mode was amply sufficient, viz. a 12 1079 2277 full investigation.

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Mr. Peel said, he would repeat the opinion which he had given upon this subject last session, that if this new jurisdiction was to be created at all, it had better be created by bill than by resolutions; if there were to be any interference, it would be infinitely wiser to make that interference effective, than to adopt a measure so imperfect and inoperative as those resolutions presented. Was it not a very serious consideration that the committee, forming the tribunal before which this offence was to be tried, was without the power of administering an oath? Here was an imperfection and an evil, for which the resolutions made no provision whatsoever. It was vain to hope that any measure could be salutary or effective in its operation, if deficient in so important a point. A common informer might adopt the intention of instituting such a proceeding as the resolutions contemplated-might, for seventeen months and twenty-nine days, threaten the character of a respectable corporation, and disturb the repose of an unoffending indi

vidual-might then come forward to prefer an unfounded charge, secure of being indemnified for his expenses, and certain of escaping with impunity, however unjustifiable his conduct in the proceeding might have been. Those resolutions provided no penalty, however flagrant might be the course of proceeding pursued by the informer, or his abettors. If such a tribunal were to be constituted at all, it assuredly ought to be invested with the power of adminis tering an oath.

Mr. Scarlett observed, that the resolutions might very possibly not meet the difficulties which it was desirable should be overcome, but at the same time, he thought the right honourable Secretary had taken rather a partial view of the question. It was alleged, that the parties would be exposed to long delay, and might be open to unjust and injurious imputations-but surely the House had the remedy in its own hands; if it discredited the statements, it might reject the petition. It had been stated, that the accusing party acted under no peril of his own, and this objection he was as willing to admit as any one could desire. Nay, he would go further, and acknowledge that there was no mode of meeting such an inconvenience by any resolutions at all. Considering the subject solely in that point of view, there must be a bill: without a bill no penalty could be inflicted no costs could be charged the subject could not be taxed without the consent of the other House of Parliament; but there was this objection to rejecting the resolutions in favour of a bill, that the other House of Parliament might not give its consent to the measure The Commons had the power of

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objects, which could be accom plished only by means of a bill. He thought they might be with drawn, and again introduced in an amended form. Had to

Lord Althorp adopted the sug gestion of Mr. Scarlett, and with drew the resolutions for the present. Jorobrenos

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Mr. Littleton, likewise, again proposed the resolutions for the regulation of committees on private bills which had been passed by the late parliament, and they were now adopted with the exception of an additional one; which provided that a party appealing from the decision of the committee should deposit a sum of 500l. Mr. Lit tleton represented this addition to be indispensable, as, without ity all the others would fail of their intended effect. The more plain and simple way would be, to prot ceed by recognizances, but that would require an act of parlia ment; and for the course which he had adopted there was a precedent! in the deposits made to cover the fees of officers of the House. The resolution was objected to by Mr. Bankes, Mr. Calcraft, and others, as laying an unnecessary hardship upon a poor applicant, who might have to deposit the only money by which he would have been enabled to prosecute his appeal, and as

being a grievous addition to the inconveniencies already arising from the expense of private bills. Mr. Littleton agreed to postpone the consideration of it till after the

recess.

There was in London a person of the name of Taylor, who described himself as " reverend," holding, or having held a cure in the county of Suffolk, and a Bachelor of Arts of Cambridge, who had argued himself into a disbelief of all revealed religion. This person prevailed upon Mr. Hume to present a petition to the House of Commons (29th November) professing his disbelief in Christianity, complaining of intolerant persecution, because his oath, as being that of a Deist, who rejected the gospels, could not be received in a court of justice, and praying "that the House would decree that he, and all other persons holding similar opinions, should be entitled to have their evidence received, by swearing upon the works of nature, in the same manner as all other testimony is now received from persons sworn upon the gospels." To hold such opinions was no proof of a very sound head; to make such a proposal to an assembly of sensible, educated, legislators, betrayed a melancholy aberration of intellect; to find a person who would not dissuade it, was a great misfortune. Yet the petition containing this miserable trash was presented to the Commons of England by Mr. Hume as being "of considerable importance, from its connexion with the rights of British subjects, and the privileges of civil and religious liberty." Some members spoke of this strange proceeding with great warmth, but Mr. Peel treated it with the only feeling which it deserved. He

wished, he said, to bring back the House to the subject directly before it, and from which he thought their attention was gradually straying. In the discussion which had taken place, there were two questions agitated, and he differed from some honourable members with respect to the propriety of the introduction of one of them at present. The first was, whether the House should agree to the prayer of the petition which had been presented; and the second was, whether that petition should be received at all. On the first, he had a very strong opinion, which, however, he would not at that time express; but, if ever the hon. gentleman followed up the petition by bringing forward a bill to relieve the gentleman who complained to the House from the obligation of an oath, he would be prepared to meet the hon. gentleman, and to contend against him, and those who should support him, for the preservation of our dearest rights, and of the best interests of society. At the same time, he was not prepared to say, that it would be wise to reject the petition altogether, if it was respectfully worded, because the House might not choose to agree to its prayer. He also thought that it would not be right to attribute too much importance to a petition of this description. Whatever honourable members might feel upon the subject, the House should restrain itself from the expression of any opinion upon it at present, and confine itself to the decision of the question which was immediately before it.

The petition was then allowed to be read; but Mr. Hume's further proposal, that it should be printed, was rejected by acclamation.

The last topic which occupied the attention of parliament before the recess, was of a very different kind. John IV., king of Portugal, was succeeded, on his death in the month of March, by his son Don Pedro, emperor of Brazil. The constitution of Brazil had provided 'that its crown should never be united on the same head with that of the mother country, and Don Pedro found himself called upon to choose between the sovereignty of the European and the South American part of the dominions of his House. Prefer ing the Transatlantic sceptre, he resigned his European crown to his infant daughter, and appointed a regency to govern during her minority. At the same time, he had remodelled the old political institutions of Portugal, and given to it a constitution in the form of a representative government. This constitution, springing neither from the growing habits nor increased intelligence of the people, and marked in itself with many defects, attracted little notice, and excited no enthusiasm. The party, however, which now ruled in the cabinet of Spain, alarmed at the establishment of any thing connected with liberal institutions in the immediate vicinity of the fabric of ignorance and despotism which they had restored in their own country, resolved not only to impede its progress, but to effect its destruction. In Portugal itself there was a numerous party hostile to the constitution, not uncountenanced by the intrigues of the Queen Dowager and the wishes of Don Miguel, who had been passed over by his brother in the formation of the regency; they had considerable influence among the military, and were themselves

at the command of the priesthood. Their power was first manifested by the desertions of whole regiments from the Portuguese army, which found refuge within the Spanish frontier. By and by the leaders of the conspiracy joined them, and led them back into Portugal, in open war against the regency and the constitution, having proclaimed Don Miguel king, and taken a solemn oath to maintain his rights. The details of their progress belongs more properly to our foreign history: at present it is sufficient to say, that whenever they were compelled, by want, or by the constitutional troops, to re-cross the frontier, they were not only received and protected by the Spanish authorities-but, with the knowledge and authority, and partly at the expense of the Spanish government, they were again organized, armed, provisioned, and sent forth to the invasion of Portugal. To the remonstrances of the British and Portuguese ministers at Madrid the cabinet of Spain answered by lying disavowals, or hollow promises; and, from the beginning of November, the perfidy of its conduct became every week more apparent. The invasion was, to all political intents, an invasion by Spain, and was only rendered more dangerous by the insidiousness of its character. But Britain was bound by treaties to interfere for the defence of Portugal when attacked from without; and, as the danger daily increased, the Portuguese ambassador at London made a formal application to our government, in the beginning of December, for the military assistance which these treaties stipulated. Ministers, having waited for a few days till

the conduct of Spain had been placed beyond a doubt, instantly, took a decisive resolution. It was impossible, with good faith, to resist a demand which rested upon such grounds, and succour could be useful only by being prompt. On the 11th of December, utterly unexpected by the country at large, lord Bathurst in the House of Peers, and Mr. Canning in the Commons, presented the following message from his Majesty.

"His Majesty acquaints the House of Lords and Commons, that his Majesty has received an earnest application from the Princess Regent of Portugal, claiming, in virtue of the ancient obligations of alliance and amity, subsisting between his Majesty and the Crown of Portugal, his Majesty's aid against hostile aggression from Spain.

"His Majesty has exerted himself, for some time past, in conjunction with his Majesty's ally, the King of France, to prevent such aggression; and repeated assurances have been given by the Court of Madrid of the determination of his Catholic Majesty neither to commit, nor to allow to be committed, from his Catholic Majesty's territory, any aggression against Portugal.

"But his Majesty has heard with deep concern, that, notwithstanding these assurances, hostile inroads into the territory of Portugal have been concerted in Spain, and have been executed under the eyes of the Spanish authorities by Portuguese regiments, which had deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish government had repeatedly and solemnly engaged to disarm and disperse.

"His Majesty leaves no effort unexhausted to awaken the Spanish government to the dangerous con

sequences of this apparent connivance.

"His Majesty makes this communication to the House of Lords and Commons, with the full and entire confidence that the House of Lords and his faithful Commons will afford to his Majesty their cordial concurrence and support, in maintaining the faith of treaties, and in securing against foreign hostility, the safety and independence of the kingdom of Portugal, the oldest ally of Great Britain."

On the following day an Address, in answer to the Message, was moved in both Houses. In the Commons it was moved by Mr. Canning.

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"In proposing to the House of Commons," said he, "to reply to his Majesty's Message, in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments, and a fulfilment of the anticipations of that Message, I feel that it becomes me as a British minister, recommending to parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.

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Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history this country has been connected with the other nations of Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation-none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully-of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the House of Braganza to the throne of Portugal

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