Chinese troops made two attempts to retake it, and yet another attempt at sunrise on the following morning (the Chinese, like the Pathans, almost always attack at daybreak), but they were all easily repulsed. Besides stores and ammunition, the Arsenal contained a quantity of guns of the newest pattern, amongst them several 40-pounder Krupps. These were now turned upon the adjoining fort and upon the villages near by, and a heavy cannonade was maintained, which kept the enemy at a distance.

Sixteen tons of rice were also found, so all danger of immediate starvation was over. But, hampered as they were by their wounded, the only thing they could do was to hold on where they were, and try to get intelligence through to the Tientsin settlements, which were only eight miles away. Two companies of Marines, under Captain Doig and Captain Lloyd, with Mr. Currey as guide, were sent out under cover of the darkness to try and cut their way through, but they came in contact with the enemy almost at once, and, after losing a number of men, got back with difficulty to the main body of the force.

Mr. Bigham's Chinese servant, fortunately, the same night succeeded in passing through the enemy's lines, and a mixed force of 1,800 men, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Shirinsky, made its way the next day to Hsi-ku, and the two forces retired together to the Tientsin settlements, with the loss of only a few men. Before they left Hsi-ku they blew up the Arsenal, which is believed from reliable Chinese

sources of information to have contained several million pounds' worth of guns, ammunition, and military stores. It was found afterwards that only a very small portion of these stores was destroyed by the explosion, and when subsequently, during the advance to Peking, the Arsenal was occupied by the Russians, they quietly appropriated all that remained, sending most of it down to Port Arthur, where it will be of great use to them. But the worth of it ought to have been brought into account when the amount of the Russian indemnity was being assessed.

The Allied force had been away altogether sixteen days, during thirteen of which it had been cut off from all outside communication. Two hundred and ninety-five men had been killed and wounded, amongst the killed being Captain Buchholtz of the German Navy and Captain Beyts of the Marine Artillery, whilst Captain Jellicoe was shot through the lungs. (The British loss amounted altogether to 27 killed and 97 wounded; the Americans losing 4 killed and 25 wounded.)

Half starved, with hardly any sleep, and engaged incessantly with an enemy immensely superior to it in numbers (the majority of the people being either Boxers or in sympathy with them), the successful retirement of this little force was a matter of extreme difficulty; the more so that it was made up of no less than eight different nationalities, each unable to understand the others' language, over whom Sir

с

Edward Seymour was, it is true, in nominal command, but to whom he could give orders only by a stretch of international courtesy. This made his task infinitely harder than it would otherwise have been.

CAMPAIGN TOOK PLACE.

19

CHAPTER II

NECESSITY FOR THE SEYMOUR EXPEDITION-EFFECT UPON IT OF
CAPTURE OF THE TAKU FORTS-ADMIRAL KEMPFF'S ACTION-IN-
STRUCTIONS OF THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT-EFFECT OF TAKING
THE FORTS UPON SUBSEQUENT CHINESE ACTION.

ON the Continent Admiral Seymour was criticised at the time for having started with an insufficient number of men; but he had no option except to act as he did on hearing from the Consuls that the Legations were in such imminent danger. The telegram for assistance sent from Peking was so urgent in its terms that to have delayed in acting upon it was out of the question. It ran thus: 'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.' It was quite uncertain when the troops might arrive at Taku for which the French and Russians proposed to wait, and the difference of a few hours might, it was then thought, mean life or death to all the Europeans in Peking. So there was no alternative but to start with whatever men were available. Nor was it supposed by any one that there would be any serious concerted opposition. Sir Claude Macdonald, on June 12, in one of the latest telegrams that left Peking, merely says: 'Inform

relief party the mutinous Kansu soldiery, who are to-day in possession of the Peking terminus, may offer them some resistance there.'

Admiral Seymour has also been criticised abroad for going himself instead of sending one of his officers; but it was imperative that he should be personally present, for the force was made up of bitterly jealous nationalities, and only the presence in command of an officer so superior in rank could have ensured harmonious co-operation. And, as the Blue Book shows, he only assumed command after receiving the telegraphic approval both of the Admiralty and of Lord Salisbury. It has been asserted, too, that it would have been better not to have trusted to the railway-to have marched up all the way by road; and as things turned out this would probably have been the safer course, instead of trying to repair the line as the advance proceeded. It is always so easy to be wise after the event. Time was of urgent importance, and it was thought that by train the force would arrive in Peking in three or four days at the most; no one had any idea that the Chinese would prove themselves capable of so formidable a resistance; their strength was as under-rated then as it was ludicrously overrated afterwards. In the campaign of 1860 they had shown themselves to be utterly contemptible as soldiers, and the Japanese war had not afforded any ground for belief that they had rendered themselves any more efficient. Moreover, it was thought that the