distant about three hundred miles. He commenced advancing, after allowing his men a day's repose, on the 6th of December. The order of march was in two di visions. The first, to which head quarters were attached, was in advance, making a considerable circuit to the eastward, for the purpose of turning all the river defences of the enemy as far up as Meaday, where it was expected that the enemy might have rallied, as the stockades had been strengthened with every thing that Burmese art could effect. The second division under briga dier general Cotton, advanced, by a route nearer, and parallel, to the river, to act in co-operation with the flotilla, until it should be ascertained that the navigation of the river was open, at least to Meaday. The earlier part of the march was through a difficult country, with roads scarcely practicable for artillery, leading through a thick and tangled jungle, that kept the soldiers almost continually deluged with water, which, besides damaging their provisions, was pernicious to their health. The cholera again made its appearance, and carried off numbers of the men before its ravages could be checked by gaining a more open and elevated country. When the army reached Meaday on the 19th December, they found it just evacuated by the rear-guard of the enemy, the Burmese having re*tired upon Melloone where their army had received orders again to concentrate. The pursuit was continued from Meaday by forced marches; and on arriving within five miles of Patanagoh, a town on the left bank of the Irrawaddy, opposite to Melloone, which occupies the right bank, it was ascertained

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that the whole of the enemy's forces had crossed to the Melloone side of the river, and occupied, with ten or twelve thousand men, a series of strongly fortified heights, and a formidable stockade, considered the chef d'œuvre of the Burmese engineers, having in front a rapid stream six hundred yards broad. On the 26th, however, they sent in a flag of truce, bringing a letter from their chiefs, stating their desire to put an end to hostilities, that a minister had arrived from Ava with full powers to negociate and ratify a peace, and requesting a meeting for that purpose. On the 28th two officers were sent to Melloone to arrange the proposed conference; but the Burmese leaders again displayed their usual anxiety to gain time. They made many profound reflections on the expediency of waiting a propitious season for so important a transaction, and argued strongly for the propriety of not proceeding before the approaching full moon. The British officers, unable to accomplish the object of their errand, declared the truce at an end, and, next day, the British army took possession of Patanagoh, from which its cannon could reach the enemy's works across the river. The Burmese flotilla immediately attempted to run up the river to secure their communications with Ava; but the artillery being hastily brought to bear upon them, they returned to their former position under the guns of the stockade. The British flotilla which had been detained by the intricacy of the channel, and the propriety of waiting the erection of batteries to check the fire from the Milloone side, approached so soon as the cannonade began. It had to pass close under the enemy's works, but the Bur

mese chiefs thought it imprudent to precipitate hostilities, when there was a chance of gaining something by delay. Instead of firing a single shot at the flotilla, two gaudy war-boats came out to act as pilots; and it anchored safely at some distance above the town, cutting off all means of retreat or of supply by the river.

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The consequence of these amicable dispositions on the part of the enemy was the conclusion of a truce, and the appointing of a con ference to be held, to treat of peace, on board of a large boat moored for that purpose in the middle of the river. The commis sioners for Ava were, the Kee Woonghee, and the new negociator Kolein Menghi. The first conference was held on 1st of January, 1826. As formerly they resisted obstinately the payment of money, and the cession of territory. To the first of these demands they answered, that they were unable to pay such a sum; that the war had been much more expensive to themselves, from the large armies which they had been compelled to maintain, than to Britain; that they might be able, by using great economy, to pay a million baskets of rice within a year, but they did not grow rupees; and, if sir A. Campbell had any disinclination to the rice, there were abundance of fine trees in the forests, which he might cut down, and carry away instead of the money. They wished to retain Arracan, they said, not on account of its value, for it was rather a burden to Ava than a source of profit, but because the nation was proud of the conquest, which had been achieved by the valour of their ancestors, and the national honour was engaged not to yield it. Finding, however,

cunning, dentreaty, lying, downright begging, all equally ineffec tual, and that they had no choice but between immediate acceptance of the proffered terms, and the instant re-commencement of active hostilities, they finally signed the treaty on the 3d of January. By its terms, the four provinces of Arracan, together with those of Mergui, Tavoy, and Zea, were to be ceded to the company; the kingdoms of Assan, Cachar, Zeating, and Munnipoor, were to be placed under princes named by the British government. Residents from each court were to be received at the other, and allowed to retain an escort of fifty men; British ships were to be admitted into Burmese ports, and to land their cargoes, free of duty, without unshipping their rudders, or landing their guns; and Ava was to pay to the company a crore of rupees by instalments, as some indemnification for the expenses of the war. treaty was to be returned from the capital ratified by the king, along with the English prisoners there detained, within fifteen days.

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During these fifteen days, however, it became very evident that the Burmese had no serious intention of making peace, that delay had been the only object of their negotiations, and that they would again encounter the chance of war, rather than yield to the terms imposed upon them. Prince Memiaboo, who commanded in Melloone, continued to strengthen hiz works in violation of the truce, and in defiance of the remonstrances of the British general, as if he had been perfectly aware, that there was no chance of peace. On the 17th January, the day before that on which the ratification of the treaty was to be delivered,

three Burmese officers were sent to make apologies for the delay, profess ignorance of its causes, and beg for an extension of the limited period. They offered to pay down an instalment of money, and give hostages for the execution of the treaty, if the British army would retire to Prome, a proposal too extravagant and absurd for any court but that of Ava to make. The British commissioners would grant no relaxation of the terms what ever excepting this, that, if the Burmese evacuated Melloone, and continued retiring before the British forces upon the capital, hostilities would not be recommenced, though the army would advance, and even the march of the army would be suspended so soon as the ratified treaty was received. This proposal being peremptorily rejected, they were dismissed with the assurance, that twelve o'clock on the night of the 18th would be the signal for renewed hostilities.

Accordingly, immediately after midnight of the 18th, the construction of batteries, and the landing of heavy ordnance from the flotilla commenced. With so much zeal and activity was the service performed, that by ten o'clock on the morning of the 19th, twenty-eight pieces of ordnance were in battery, on points presenting a front of more than a mile on the eastern bank of the Irrawaddy, and corresponding with the extent of the enemy's line of defence on the opposite shore. Hopes were entertained, that the formidable appearance of these preparations would have induced the enemy to make some further communications in the morning, instead of again risking the renewal of hostilities with troops of whose decided superiority they had so recently re

ceived the most convincing and humiliating proofs. But at daylight it was seen that the preceding night had been devoted by them to preparations equally laborious, and the construction of extensive and well-planned works, with a view to the resistance on which they had resolved.

At eleven o'clock, A. M. (the 19th), the batteries and rockets opened their fire on the enemy's position; and while it was warmly kept up, the troops intended for the assault were embarking in the boats of the ships and the flotilla, at a point above Patanagoh, under the superintendance of captain Chads, of the Alligator, on whom this charge devolved, in the absence of commodore sir James Brisbane, in consequence of extreme indisposition. About one P. M. a decided impression having been produced by the cannonade, one brigade under lieutenant-colo nel Sale, consisting of the 18th and 38th regiments, was directed to drop down the river, and assault the main face of the enemy's position, near its south-eastern angle: brigadier-general Cotton, with the flank companies of the 47th and 87th regiments, and the 89th regiment, under lieutenant-colonel Hunter Blair; the 41st regiment, and the 18th Madras native infantry, under lieutenant-colonel Godwin; and the 28th Madras native infantry, with the flank companies of, the 43rd Madras native infantry, under lieutenantcolonel Parlby, were ordered to cross above Melloone, and, after carrying some outworks, to attack the northern face of the principal work.

Although the whole of the boats pushed off together from the left bank, the strength of the current,

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and a strong breeze from the north, carried the first brigade to the given point of attack before the other columns could possibly reach the opposite shore; lieu tenant-colonel Sale was unfortunately wounded in his boat, but, the corps of his brigade having landed, and formed with admirable regularity, under the command of major Frith, of the 38th, rushed on to the assault, and were, in a short time, complete masters of a work, which, although certainly not so well chosen in point of position as some others, yet had been rendered most formidable by labour and art, and was such as to afford the enemy a presumptive assurance of security in their possession of it. This is fully evinced by the cir eumstance of the chiefs, with Me miaboo at their head (contrary to the Burmese custom in all such cases), having remained within their defences till they saw the troops crossing to the assault. The discomfiture was rendered complete, by the second brigade, when the works had been carried, cutting

in upon the retreat of the crowded and disorderly fugitives. The loss of the attacking troops amounted to only nine men killed, and thirty-four wounded, among whom were three officers. The victors were masters of all the ordnance and military stores; in the house of prince Memiaboo they found 30,000 rupees in specie, and, what was fully as interesting, both the English and the Burmese copies of the treaty, in the state in which they had been signed, having never been transmitted to Ava. When sir A. Campbell afterwards sent it to the KeeWoonghee, with a note stating that he supposed he had merely for gotten it in the hurry of his de

parture from Melloone, the minister answered, with great coolness and good humour, "that in the same hurry he had left behind him a large sum of money, which also he was confident the British gen eral only waited an opportunity of returning."

On the 25th of January, the army resumed its triumphant march towards the capital, and on the 31st was met in its advance by Dr. Price an American missionary, and Mr. Sandford, an assistant surgeon of the army, taken pri soner some months before, whom fear had induced the king, on his learning the rout of Melloone, to restore to their liberty, and despatch as messengers of peace. They were sent to express his majesty's sincere desire for peace, and to ascertain the lowest terms at which it could be purchased. These differed little from what had been agreed to at Melloone; sir A. Campbell refused to halt his army till they should be accepted, but promised not to pass for twelve days Pagahm-Mew, which was between him and the capital, and which he could not, in any event, reach in less than ten days. The messengers departed with sanguine hopes that they would return with a ratified treaty; but the golden majesty of Ava, resolved to risk the chance of war once more, put forth new exertions to raise new forces, and prepared to assemble them in the neighbourhood of Pagahm-Mew. Part of the fugitives from Melloone had been rallied at that point, and there reinforced by fresh levies from Ava. The command of the whole, amounting to sixteen thousand men, had been given to Ta-Yea-Soogean, Woon dock, Ne-Woon-Breen, who had pledged himself to his sovereign to

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achieve some signal success at the expense of the British; styling them, in the insolent language of his Court and nation, the Invading Army of Rebellious Strangers. On the evening of the 8th of Feb ruary, the enemy was discovered in forcestrongly posted about five miles in advance of the village of Yesseah, where the leading British division had that day encamped. They had resolved to defend two positions; the first having for its appui the Logoh-Nunda Pagoda; the second, within the old walls of the city, which had undergone some partial repairs, and the numerous Pagodas in and about Pagahm the former was to be occupied by seven thousand, the latter by nine thousand men. Considering it of importance that the decisions of the Court of Ava at this particular crisis should not be left to depend upon hopes cherished under a false confidence in the promises of their new commander, sir A Campbell took measures for attacking the enemy on the morning of the 9th, and ordered brigadier general Cotton, whose division was twelve miles in the rear, to march with three of his corps, at, such an hour during the night, as would ensure his joining him by day light. Thus reinforced he marched at nine o'clock; and, four miles from our camp, found, for the first time since the commencement of the war, the enemy prepared to dispute the ground in the field, in front of his first position. The disposition of his troops, and his plans for receiving our attack, exhibited marks of considerable judgment.

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The road from Yesseah to Pagahm-Mew leads through a country much overgrown with prickly jungle, which, whilst it renders it

difficult for regular troops to diverge from its direct course, either to the right or left, is in some places so thick as completely to mask the formations and manœuvres of large bodies, The Burmese general, availing himself of these advantages, and probably ignorant of the reinforcement the leading division had received during the night, drew up his army in the form of a crescent, both its flanks being considerably advanced, and the main road running directly through its centre, thinking no doubt the British must advance by it, till opposed in front, when the wings would close in to attack them on both flanks and in the rear, which his great superiority in numbers would have enabled him to effect. But the advance of the British force was conducted in such a manner as soon to defeat the object of his formation, and he was instantly assailed upon both flanks. The 18th light infantry under sir A Campbell, led the right attack accompanied by four guns, and a small detachment of the body guard, supported by the 89th regiment; the 38th regiment attacked on the left, supported by the 41st, and two guns under the direction of brigadier general Cotton-whilst lieutenant colonel Parlby, with the 43rd Madrás native infantry,advanced on the bank of the Irrawaddy, towards the extreme left, to prevent the enemy from throwing troops into the rear in that direction. They received the attack on both flanks tolerably wellformed, and with some show of resolution, but were soon obliged to give way before the rapid fire and steady charge of British soldiers.

Part of their troops, being broken by the 88th, retired into a wellconstructed field-work, but were so