tectorate of Oliver English constitution: but, in a few The Pro- years, he thought it safe to proceed further, and to restore alCromwell. most every part of the ancient system under new names and forms. The title of King was not revived: but the kingly prerogatives were entrusted to a Lord High Protector. The sovereign was called not His Majesty, but His Highness. He was not crowned and anointed in Westminster Abbey, but was solemnly enthroned, girt with a sword of state, clad in a robe of purple, and presented with a rich Bible, in Westminster Hall. His office was not declared hereditary: but he was permitted to name his successor; and none could doubt that he would name his son. require the support of prescription. Monarchy has often stood without that support. But a patrician order is the work of time. Oliver found already existing a nobility, opulent, highly considered, and as popular with the commonalty as any nobility has ever been. Had he, as King of England, commanded the peers to meet him in Parliament according to the old usage of the realm, many of them would undoubtedly have obeyed the call. This he could not do; and it was to no purpose that he offered to the chiefs of illustrious families seats in his new senate. They conceived that they could not accept a nomination to an upstart assembly without renouncing their birthright and betraying their order. The Protector was, therefore, under the necessity of filling his Upper House with new men who, during the late stirring times, had made themselves conspicuous. This was the least happy of his contrivances, and displeased all parties. The Levellers were angry with him for instituting a privileged class. The multitude, which felt respect and fondness for the great historical names of the land, laughed without restraint at a House of Lords, in which lucky draymen and shoemakers were seated, to which few of the old nobles were invited, and from which almost all those old nobles who were invited turned disdainfully away. A House of Commons was a necessary part of the new polity. In constituting this body, the Protector showed a wisdom and a public spirit which were not duly appreciated by his contemporaries. The vices of the old representative system, though by no means so serious as they afterwards became, had already been remarked by farsighted men. Cromwell reformed that system on the same principles on which Mr. Pitt, a hundred and thirty years later, attempted to reform it, and on which it was at length reformed in our own times. Small boroughs were disfranchised even more unsparingly than in 1832; and the number of county members was greatly increased. How Oliver's Parliaments were conVery few unrepresented towns had yet stituted, however, was practically of grown into importance. Of those towns little moment: for he possessed the the most considerable were Manchester, means of conducting the administration Leeds, and Halifax. Representatives without their support, and in defiance were given to all three. An addition of their opposition. His wish seems to was made to the number of the mem- have been to govern constitutionally, bers for the capital. The elective and to substitute the empire of the laws franchise was placed on such a footing for that of the sword. But he soon that every man of substance, whether found that, hated as he was, both by possessed of freehold estates in land Royalists and Presbyterians, he could or not, had a vote for the county in be safe only by being absolute. The which he resided. A few Scotchmen first House of Commons which the and a few of the English colonists people elected by his command, quessettled in Ireland were summoned to tioned his authority, and was dissolved the assembly which was to legislate, at without having passed a single act. Westminster, for every part of the His second House of Commons, though British isles. it recognised him as Protector, and would gladly have made him King, obstinately refused to acknowledge his To create a House of Lords was a less easy task. Democracy does not VOL. I. F new Lords. He had no course left but was not heavy when compared with to dissolve the Parliament. "God," that of the neighbouring states and he exclaimed, at parting, "be judge with the resources of England. Probetween you and me!" perty was secure. Even the Cavalier, who refrained from giving disturbance to the new settlement, enjoyed in peace whatever the civil troubles had left him. The laws were violated only in cases where the safety of the Protector's person and government was concerned. Justice was administered between man and man with an exactness and purity not before known. Under no English government since the Reformation had there been so little religious persecution. The unfortunate Roman Catholics, indeed, were held to be scarcely within the pale of Christian charity. But the clergy of the fallen Anglican Church were suffered to celebrate their worship on condition that they would abstain from preaching about politics. Even the Jews, whose public worship had, ever since the thirteenth century, been interdicted, were, in spite of the strong opposition of jealous traders and fanatical theologians, permitted to build a synagogue in London. Yet was the energy of the Protector's administration in nowise relaxed by these dissensions. Those soldiers who would not suffer him to assume the kingly title stood by him when he ventured on acts of power, as high as any English King has ever attempted. The government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and the magnanimity of the despot. The country was divided into military districts. Those districts were placed under the command of Major Generals. Every insurrectionary movement was promptly put down and punished. The fear inspired by the power of the sword, in so strong, steady, and expert a hand, quelled the spirit both of Cavaliers and Levellers. The loyal gentry declared that they were still as ready as ever to risk their lives for the old government and the old dynasty, if there were the slightest hope of success: but to rush, at the head of their serving men and tenants, on the pikes of brigades victorious in a hundred battles and sieges, would be a frantic waste of innocent and honourable blood. Both Royalists and Re-done so much to raise the fame of the publicans, having no hope in open nation had been a legitimate King; and resistance, began to revolve dark the Republicans were forced to own that schemes of assassination: but the Pro- the tyrant suffered none but himself tector's intelligence was good: his to wrong his country, and that, if he had vigilance was unremitting; and, when- robbed her of liberty, he had at least ever he moved beyond the walls of his given her glory in exchange. After palace, the drawn swords and cuirasses half a century during which England of his trusty bodyguards encompassed had been of scarcely more weight in him thick on every side. European politics than Venice or Saxony, she at once became the most formidable power in the world, dictated terms of peace to the United Provinces, avenged the common injuries of Christendom on the pirates of Barbary, vanquished the Spaniards by land and sea, seized one of the finest West Indian islands, and acquired on the Flemish coast a fortress which consoled the national pride for the loss of Calais. She was supreme on the ocean. She was the head of the Protestant interest. All the reformed Churches scattered Had he been a cruel, licentious, and rapacious prince, the nation might have found courage in despair, and might have made a convulsive effort to free itself from military domination. But the grievances which the country suffered, though such as excited serious discontent, were by no means such as impel great masses of men to stake their lives, their fortunes, and the welfare of their families against fearful odds. The taxation, though heavier than it had been under the Stuarts, The Protector's foreign policy at the same time extorted the ungracious approbation of those who most detested him. The Cavaliers could scarcely refrain from wishing that one who had over Roman Catholic kingdoms acknow- | by his soldiers, obeyed by the whole ledged Cromwell as their guardian. population of the British islands, and The Huguenots of Languedoc, the shep- dreaded by all foreign powers, that he herds who, in the hamlets of the Alps, was laid among the ancient sovereigns professed a Protestantism older than of England with funeral pomp such as that of Augsburg, were secured from London had never before seen, and that oppression by the mere terror of his he was succeeded by his son Richard great name. The Pope himself was as quietly as any King had ever been forced to preach humanity and mode- succeeded by any Prince of Wales. ration to Popish princes. For a voice During five months, the administrawhich seldom threatened in vain had tion of Richard Cromwell went on so declared that, unless favour were shown tranquilly and regularly that all Europe to the people of God, the English guns believed him to be firmly established should be heard in the Castle of Saint on the chair of state. In truth his Angelo. In truth, there was nothing situation was in some respects much which Cromwell had, for his own sake more advantageous than that of his and that of his family, so much reason father. The young man had made no to desire as a general religious war in enemy. His hands were unstained by Europe. In such a war he must have civil blood. The Cavaliers themselves been the captain of the Protestant ar- allowed him to be an honest goodmies. The heart of England would natured gentleman. The Presbyterian have been with him. His victories party, powerful both in numbers and would have been hailed with an un-in wealth, had been at deadly feud animous enthusiasm unknown in the country since the rout of the Armada, and would have effaced the stain which one act, condemned by the general voice of the nation, has left on his splendid fame. Unhappily for him he had no opportunity of displaying his admirable military talents, except against the inhabitants of the British isles. with the late Protector, but was disposed to regard the present Protector with favour. That party had always been desirous to see the old civil polity of the realm restored with some clearer definitions and some stronger safeguards for public liberty, but had many reasons for dreading the restoration of the old family. Richard was the very man for politicians of this His humanity, ingenu ousness, and modesty, the mediocrity of his abilities, and the docility with which he submitted to the guidance of persons wiser than himself, admirably qualified him to be the head of a limited monarchy. While he lived his power stood firm, an object of mingled aversion, admi- | description. ration, and dread to his subjects. Few indeed loved his government; but those who hated it most hated it less than they feared it. Had it been a worse government, it might perhaps have been overthrown in spite of all its strength. Had it been a weaker government, it would certainly have been overthrown in spite of all its merits. But it had moderation enough to abstain from those oppressions which drive men mad; and it had a force and energy which none but men driven mad by oppression would venture to encounter. For a time it seemed highly probable that he would, under the direction of able advisers, effect what his father had attempted in vain. A Parliament was called, and the writs were directed after the old fashion. The small boroughs which had recently been disfranchised regained their lost privilege: Manchester, Leeds, and Halifax ceased to return members; and the county of York was again limited to two knights. It may seem strange to a generation which has been excited almost to madness by the question of parliamentary reform that great shires and towns should have submitted with patience, and even with complacency, to this that which he derived from the great change: but though speculative men name which he had inherited. He might, even in that age, discern the vices | had never led them to victory. He had of the old representative system, and never even borne arms. All his tastes predict that those vices would, sooner and habits were pacific. Nor were or later, produce serious practical evil, his opinions and feelings on religious the practical evil had not yet been subjects approved by the military felt. Oliver's representative system, saints. That he was a good man he on the other hand, though constructed evinced by proofs more satisfactory than on sound principles, was not popular. deep groans or long sermons, by huBoth the events in which it originated, mility and suavity when he was at the and the effects which it had produced, height of human greatness, and by prejudiced men against it. It had cheerful resignation under cruel wrongs sprung from military violence. It had and misfortunes: but the cant then been fruitful of nothing but disputes. common in every guardroom gave him The whole nation was sick of govern- a disgust which he had not always the ment by the sword, and pined for prudence to conceal. The officers who government by the law. The restora- had the principal influence among the tion, therefore, even of anomalies and troops stationed near London were not abuses, which were in strict conformity his friends. They were men distinwith the law, and which had been guished by valour and conduct in the destroyed by the sword, gave general field, but destitute of the wisdom and satisfaction. civil courage which had been conspicuous in their deceased leader. Some of them were honest, but fanatical, Independents and Republicans. Of this class Fleetwood was the representative. Others were impatient to be what Oliver had been. His rapid elevation, his prosperity and glory, his inauguration in the Hall, and his gorgeous obsequies in the Abbey, had inflamed their imagination. They were as well born as he, and as well educated: they could not understand why they were not as worthy to wear the purple robe, and to wield the sword of state; and they pursued the objects of their wild ambition, not, like him, with patience, vigilance, sagacity, and determination, but with the restlessness and irresolution characteristic of aspiring mediocrity. Among these feeble copies of a great original the most conspicuous was Lambert. Among the Commons there was a strong opposition, consisting partly of avowed Republicans, and partly of concealed Royalists: but a large and steady majority appeared to be favourable to the plan of reviving the old civil constitution under a new dynasty. Richard was solemnly recognised as first magistrate. The Commons not only consented to transact business with Oliver's Lords, but passed a vote acknowledging the right of those nobles who had, in the late troubles, taken the side of public liberty, to sit in the Upper House of Parliament without any new creation. Thus far the statesmen, by whose advice Richard acted had been successful. Almost all the parts of the government were now constituted as they had been constituted at the commencement of the civil war. Had the Protector and the Parliament been suffered to proceed undisturbed, there can be little doubt that an order of things similar to that which was afterwards established under the House of Hanover would have been established under the House of Cromwell. But there was in the state a power more than sufficient to deal with Protector and Parliament together. Over the soldiers Richard had no authority except the sword were to be subjected to the Stuarts or the army. The banished men of the gown. A coalition was family had committed great faults; but formed between the military malecon-it had dearly expiated those faults, and tents and the Republican minority of had undergone a long, and, it might be the House of Commons. It may well hoped, a salutary training in the school be doubted whether Richard could have of adversity. It was probable that triumphed over that coalition, even if Charles the Second would take warning he had inherited his father's clear judg- by the fate of Charles the First. But, ment and iron courage. It is certain be this as it might, the dangers which that simplicity and meekness like his threatened the country were such that, were not the qualities which the con- in order to avert them, some opinions juncture required. He fell ingloriously, might well be compromised, and some and without a struggle. He was used risks might well be incurred. It seemed by the army as an instrument for the but too likely that England would fall purpose of dissolving the Parliament, under the most odious and degrading and was then contemptuously thrown of all kinds of government, under a aside. The officers gratified their re- government uniting all the evils of publican allies by declaring that the despotism to all the evils of anarchy. expulsion of the Rump had been illegal, Any thing was preferable to the yoke and by inviting that assembly to resume of a succession of incapable and ingloits functions. The old Speaker and a rious tyrants, raised to power, like the quorum of the old members came to- Deys of Barbary, by military revolugether, and were proclaimed, amidst the tions recurring at short intervals. Lamscarcely stifled derision and execration bert seemed likely to be the first of of the whole nation, the supreme power these rulers; but within a year Lambert in the commonwealth. It was at the might give place to Desborough, and same time expressly declared that there Desborough to Harrison. As often as should be no first magistrate and no the truncheon was transferred from one House of Lords. feeble hand to another, the nation would be pillaged for the purpose of bestowing a fresh donative on the troops. If the Presbyterians obstinately stood aloof from the Royalists, the state was lost; and men might well doubt whether, by the combined exertions of Presbyterians and Royalists, it could be saved. For the dread of that invincible army was on all the inhabitants of the island; and the Cavaliers, taught by a hundred disastrous fields how little numbers can effect against discipline, were even more completely cowed than the Roundheads. But this state of things could not last. On the day on which the Long Parliament revived, revived also its old quarrel with the army. Again the Rump forgot that it owed its existence to the pleasure of the soldiers, and began to treat them Second ex- as subjects. Again the doors pulsion of of the House of Commons were closed by military violence; and a provisional government, named by the officers, assumed the direction of affairs. the Long Parlia ment. The army While the soldiers remained united, all the plots and risings of the malecontents were ineffectual. of Scot But a few days after the second land expulsion of the Rump, came into Engtidings which gladdened the marches land. Meanwhile the sense of great evils, and the strong apprehension of still greater evils close at hand, had at length produced an alliance between the Cavaliers and the Presbyterians. Some Presbyterians had, indeed, been disposed to such an alliance even before the death of Charles the First: but it hearts of all who were attached either was not till after the fall of Richard to monarchy or to liberty. Cromwell that the whole party became mighty force which had, during many eager for the restoration of the royal years, acted as one man, and which, house. There was no longer any reason- while so acting, had been found irreable hope that the old constitution sistible, was at length divided against could be reestablished under a new itself. The army of Scotland had done dynasty. One choice only was left, the good service to the Commonwealth, That |
