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PRINTED FOR KINGSBURY, PARBURY, & ALLEN, BOOKSELLERS TO THE HONOURABLE EAST-INDIA COMPANY,

LEADENHALL STREET.

751

A 6 198

LONDON:

PRINTED BY COX AND BAYLIS, GREAT QUEEN STREET,
LINCOLN'S INN-FIELDS.

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GENERAL VIEW OF THE NATIVE POWERS OF INDIA ; AND OF THEIR POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH

THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.

(Continued from Vol. XVII., page, 364.)

ON resuming our General View of the Native Powers of India, at the point at which we dismissed the subject in a former number, we find ourselves surrounded by a multiplicity of petty states, as incapable of interesting our readers by any thing remarkable in their individual character, as they are destitute of political importance. Collectively, however, they occupy a space in the general area, and must therefore be cursorily noticed.

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These principalities are situated to the south of the Rajpoot states, which have already occupied our attention, and extend nearly from Hindia on the Nerbuddah to the province of Guzzerat. The principal among them are Dhar, Dewass, Banswarrah, Dongerpore, Purtaubghur, Ruttam, Seeta Mow, Ja booah, and Amjerah. Whether Mahratta, Rajpoot, Grassiah or otherwise, these states had been indiscriminately consigned to plunder, or doomed to afford shelter to freebooters, during the lawless periods that immediately preceded the successes of the British arms in this quarter. At length, however, Asiatic Journ.-No. 103.

they are placed, on the usual conditions, under the protection of a power that is able and willing to defend them. The rights of the respective chiefs, and the character of the natives, however varied and however peculiar, have been carefully investigated under the superintendence of Sir John Malcolm, and such arrangements have been made, in all instances, as to leave them in the undisturbed possession of all their privileges and customs, so far as regards internal government, while they are effectually protected against foreign inroad and internal commotion. The report which is furnished by Sir John Malcolm himself, in his late interesting work on Malwa, as to the advantages already derived by these states from the friendly interference of the British Government, is most gratifying. Foreign mercenaries are disbanded, the natives have exchanged their predatory courses for the "arts of peace and culture of the plains," population is rapidly increasing, and towns and villages, which a few years back presented a most gloomy picture VOL. XVIII.

B

of desertion and dismay, are beginning to assume an aspect of prosperity. Sir John Malcolm, in speaking of Soand, warrah, observes: "that country, instead of being desolate, presents this year [1820] an increase of as many ploughs as any part of the province; and of the twelve hundred mounted robbers, who in 1817 found shelter in its fortresses, from whence they plundered the adjoining districts, there is not one who now follows a predatory life." `In giving a general and cursory view of the several Rajpoot states, our principal object has been to contrast their late forlorn condition with the happy situation in which they are now placed by their treaties of alliance with the British Government. We have consequently omitted to notice any thing peculiarly characteristic of any one of them, where the cause of such peculiarity appeared to be contingent or temporary. We cannot, however, dismiss this portion of our sketch without adverting to one remarkable anomaly. The principality of Kotah, though equally exposed with its sister states to the arbitrary exactions of the Mahrattas, from the moment when the latter acquired an ascendancy in this quarter of India, had nevertheless obtained an exemption from plunder for many years immediately preceding the late arrangements. Zalim Singh, nominally the minister of the Rajah, but virtually the sovereign of Kotah, has long been remarkable as a man of extraordinary talent, and of equal prudence and address. By ingratiating himself with those Mahratta chiefs whose vicinity more immediately threatened his districts, by keeping on friendly terms with all, and even rendering himself essential to their interests by his pecuniary contracts with them, he actually raised the territories he governed from a state of deplorable wretchedness to one of vigour and prosperity. Such, however, was the sense he entertained of the instability of his power, situated as he was in the centre of a lawless

region, that he embraced with the utmost eagerness the proffered terms of British protection, and proved a most valuable ally in the progress of the campaign, which terminated in the suppression o that power which next to the Pindarries had been most active in the desolation of Malwa.-It is time that we direct our attention to the state to which we are alluding.

The present possessions of HOLCAR are so mingled with those of Ameer Khan, Guffoor Khan, and many of the small governments of which we have been speaking, that it would be impossible to define them with any degree of accuracy without becoming tedious. We must therefore content ourselves with observing that they are principally bounded to the east by the territories of Scindia, to the north and west by the Rajpoot states and the province of Guzzerat, and to the south by the dominions of the Nizam and the British territories newly conquered from the Peishwah. Holcar was so completely subdued by the British arms, that there was no difficulty in obtaining the ratification of the treaty which has effectually deprived him of all future means of annoyance. He was compelled to make restitution to many of the Rajpoot states whose territories he had sequestered, and was of course debarred from all future interference. He is obliged also to subsidize a British force to be constantly stationed in his territories. The internal government of the State is left, however, to the Holcar Durbar. Holcar himself is in a state of derangement; a regency is therefore appointed consisting of certain members of his family. The rapacity exercised by this government has not so much been owing to the disposition of the Durbar itself, as to the lawless and turbulent spirit of the army and its chiefs, and the impossibility either of supporting or disbanding them. An unrestrained license of plunder has, of necessity, therefore, been granted by the government. In point of fact, the govern

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