Just at this juncture tidings arrived which might well raise misgivings in the minds of those who had voted for reducing the national means of defence. The Electoral Prince of Bavaria was no more. The Gazette which announced that the Disbanding Bill had received the royal assent informed the public that he was dangerously ill at Brussels. The next Gazette contained the news of his death. Only a few weeks had elapsed since all who were anxious for the peace of the world had learned with joy that he had been named heir to the Spanish throne. That the boy just entering upon life with such hopes should die, while the wretched Charles, Tong ago half dead, continued to creep about between his bedroom and his chapel, was an event for which, notwithstanding the proverbial uncertainty of life, the minds of men were altogether unprepared. A peaceful solution of the great question now seemed impossible. France and Austria were left confronting each other. Within a month the whole Continent might be in Pious men saw in this stroke, so sudden and so terrible, the plain signs of the Divine displeasure. God had a controversy with the nations. Nine years of fire, of slaughter, and of famine had not been sufficient to reclaim a guilty world; and a second and more severe chastisement was at hand. Others muttered that the event which all good men lamented was to be ascribed to unprincipled ambition. It would indeed have been strange if, in that age, so important a death, happening at so critical a moment, had not been imputed to poison. The father of the deceased prince loudly accused the court of Vienna; and the imputation, though not supported by the slightest evidence, was, during some time, believed by the vulgar.

arms.

The politicians at the Dutch embassy imagined that now, at length, the parliament would listen to reason. It seemed that even the country gentlemen must begin to contemplate the probability of an alarming crisis. The merchants of the Royal Exchange, much better acquainted than the country gentlemen with foreign lands, and much more accustomed than the country gentlemen to take large views, were in great agitation. Nobody could mistake the beat of that wonderful pulse which had recently begun, and has, during five generations, continued to indicate the variations of the body politic. When Littleton was chosen speaker, the stocks rose. When it was resolved that the army

should be reduced to seven thousand men, the stocks fell. When the death of the electoral prince was known, they fell still lower. The subscriptions to a new loan, which the Commons had, from mere spite to Montague, determined to raise on conditions of which he disapproved, came in very slowly. The signs of a reaction of feeling were discernible both in and out of Parliament. Many men are alarmists by constitution. Trenchard and Howe had frightened most men by writing and talking about the danger to which liberty and property would be exposed if the government were allowed to keep a large body of janizaries in pay. That danger had ceased to exist, and those people who must always be afraid of something, as they could no longer be afraid of a standing army, began to be afraid of the French king. There was a turn in the tide of public opinion, and no part of statesmanship is more important than the art of taking the tide of public opinion at the turn. On more than one occasion William showed himself a mas ter of that art; but, on the present occasion, a sentiment, in itself amiable and respectable, led him to commit the greatest mistake of his whole life. Had he at this conjuncture again earnestly pressed on the houses the importance of providing for the defence of the kingdom, and asked of them an additional number of English troops, it is not improbable that he might have carried his point; it is certain that, if he had failed, there would have been nothing ignominious in his failure. Unhappily, instead of raising a great public question, on which he was in the right, on which he had a good chance of succeeding, and on which he might have been defeated without any loss of dignity, he chose to raise a personal question on which he was in the wrongon which, right or wrong, he was sure to be beaten, and on which he could not be beaten without being degraded. Instead of pressing for more English regiments, he exerted all his influence to obtain for the Dutch Guards permission to remain in the island.

The first trial of strength was in the Upper House. A resolution was moved there to the effect that the Lords would gladly concur in any plan that could be suggested for retaining the services of the Dutch brigade. The motion was carried by fifty-four votes to thirty-eight. But a protest was entered, and was signed by all the minority. It is remarkable that Devonshire was, and that Marlborough

was not, one of the dissentients. Marlborough had for merly made himself conspicuous by the keenness and pertinacity with which he had attacked the Dutch. But he had now made his peace with the court, and was in the receipt of a large salary from the civil list. He was in the House on that day, and therefore, if he voted, must have voted with the majority. The Cavendishes had generally been strenuous supporters of the king and the Junto; but, on the subject of the foreign troops, Hartington in one house and his father in the other were intractable.

This vote of the Lords caused much murmuring among the Commons. It was said to be most unparliamentary to pass a bill one week, and the next week to pass a resolution condemning that bill. It was true that the bill had been passed before the death of the electoral prince was known in London. But that unhappy event, though it might be a good reason for increasing the English army, could be no reason for departing from the principle that the English army should consist of Englishmen. A gentleman who despised the vulgar clamor against professional soldiers, who held the doctrine of Somers's Balancing Letter, and who was prepared to vote for twenty or even thirty thousand men, might yet well ask why any of those men should be foreigners. Were our countrymen naturally inferior to men of other races in any of the qualities which, under proper training, make excellent soldiers? That assuredly was not the opinion of the prince who had, at the head of Ormond's Life Guards, driven the French household troops, till then invincible, back over the ruins of Neerwinden, and whose eagle eye and applauding voice had followed Cutts's grenadiers up the glacis of Namur. Bitter-spirited malcontents muttered that, since there was no honorable service which could not be as well performed by the natives of the realm as by alien mercenaries, it might well be suspected that the king wanted his alien mercenaries for some service not honorable. If it were

necessary to repel a French invasion or to put down an Irish insurrection, the Blues and the Buffs would stand by him to the death. But, if his object were to govern in defiance of the votes of his Parliament and of the cry of his people, he might well apprehend that English swords and muskets would, at the crisis, fail him, as they had failed his father-in-law, and might well wish to surround

himself with men who were not of our blood, who had no reverence for our laws, and no sympathy with our feelings. Such imputations could find credit with no body superior in intelligence to those clownish squires who with difficulty managed to spell out Dyer's Letter over their ale. Men of sense and temper admitted that William had never shown any disposition to violate the solemn compact which he had made with the nation, and that, even if he were depraved enough to think of destroying the Constitution by military violence, he was not imbecile enough to imagine that the Dutch brigade, or five such brigades, would suf

fice for his purpose. But such men, while they fully acquitted him of the design attributed to him by factious malignity, could not acquit him of a partiality which it was natural that he should feel, but which it would have been wise in him to hide, and with which it was impossible that his subjects should sympathize. He ought to have known that nothing is more offensive to free and proud nations than the sight of foreign uniforms and standards. Though not much conversant with books, he must have been acquainted with the chief events in the history of his own illustrious house; and he could hardly have been ignorant that his great-grandfather had commenced a long and glorious struggle against despotism by exciting the StatesGeneral of Ghent to demand that all Spanish troops should be withdrawn from the Netherlands. The final parting between the tyrant and the future deliverer was not an event to be forgotten by any of the race of Nassau. "It was the States, sir," said the Prince of Orange. seized his wrist with a convulsive grasp, and exclaimed, "Not the States, but you, you, you."

Philip

William, however, determined to try whether a request made by himself in earnest and almost supplicating terms would induce his subjects to indulge his national partiality at the expense of their own. None of his ministers could flatter him with any hope of success. But on this subject he was too much excited to hear reason. He sent down to the Commons a message, not merely signed by himself according to the usual form, but written throughout with his own hand. He informed them that the necessary preparations had been made for sending away the guards who came with him to England, and that they would imme Jiately embark, unless the House should, out of considera

tion for him, be disposed to retain them, which he should take very kindly. When the message had been read, a member proposed that a day might be fixed for the con sideration of the subject. But the chiefs of the majority would not consent to any thing which might seem to indicate hesitation, and moved the previous question. The ministers were in a false position. It was out of their power to answer Harley when he sarcastically declared that he did not suspect them of having advised his majesty on this occasion. If, he said, those gentlemen had thought it desirable that the Dutch brigade should remain in the kingdom, they would have done so before. There had been many opportunities of raising the question in a perfectly regular manner during the progress of the Disbanding Bill. Of those opportunities nobody had thought fit to avail himself, and it was now too late to reopen the question. Most of the other members who spoke against taking the message into consideration took the same line, declined discussing points which might have been discussed when the Disbanding Bill was before the House, and declared merely that they could not consent to any thing so unparliamentary as the repealing of an act which had just been passed. But this way of dealing with the message was far too mild and moderate to satisfy the implacable malice of Howe. In his courtly days he had vehemently called on the king to use the Dutch for the purpose of quelling the insubordination of the English regiments. "None but the Dutch troops," he said, 66 are to be trusted." He was now not ashamed to draw a parallel between those very Dutch troops and the popish kernes James had brought over from Munster and Connaught to enslave our island. The general feeling was such that the previous question was carried without a division. A committee was immediately appointed to draw up an address explaining the reasons which made it impossible for the House to comply with his majesty's wish. At the next sitting the committee reported, and on the report there was an animated debate. The friends of the government thought the proposed address offensive. The most spectable members of the majority felt that it would be ingraceful to aggravate by harsh language the pain which must be caused by their conscientious opposition to the king's wishes. Some strong expressions were therefore

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